In a few weeks from now, India will head for elections in five states, and a few months thereafter, the countdown will begin for Lok Sabha elections due possibly around April 2024. Once again, there will be editorials in newspapers and heated debates on television centred on how it is necessary to have transparency in political funding in order to reduce corruption and curtail the privileges of donors. So much of political funding in the country is routed through, what is euphemistically termed, “black money”. Black money, or unaccounted for money, affects not only fairness in elections, but the nation’s economy since no tax is ever paid on it.
Typically, political parties will appoint a senior leader to oversee the transport, storage and distribution of funds. This senior politician will, in turn, delegate this task to one or more youngsters often associated with the youth brigade of the party. Although there is never a formal interview, the selection criteria for a suitable candidate(s) may include relevant criminal antecedents befitting a tough guy image. The candidate must also be a much-relied-upon chamcha of the senior politician with a “suitable” track record. The recruitment criteria are similar irrespective of whether the elections are being held at the state level or at the national level.
Candidates in the fray often use their own funds, but the party also supports them financially, because elections in India are an expensive business. The immediate task preceding the distribution of funds is to find storage of the cash at secure locations. Some years ago, during Assembly elections and parliamentary elections, it was rumoured that unoccupied flats and houses in Gurgaon were taken on rent for the purpose of storing money. Needless to add, such premises were guarded by security guards twenty-four seven. If such storage is difficult to find, political parties may even hire accommodation in hotels. Cases have been known of entire floors of big hotels, including five-star hotels, being booked by a political party for its use during elections. Most often, no one stays inside the rooms, despite their high per day occupation charges. The rooms are used only for storage. The key honcho in-charge may hold keys to several large suites holding large boxes stuffed with currency notes, rather like very large bank vaults.
A question arises here. When a money handler, especially if it is a person with criminal antecedents, gains access, albeit temporary, to all that money before it has all been distributed, will such a person not think of doing a run with some or all of it? Sure, they do, but there is also a thing as honour among thieves. Besides, the senior party boss to whom such a handler reports would have warned him that if he did any hera pheri (foul play) with this, big or small, he would be finished.
Men entrusted with the transportation and distribution of black money for use in elections often travel in air-conditioned cars, ferrying suitcases crammed with currency notes. Periodically, they stop at party district offices or at other locations to meet with the candidates and hand over funds designated for use in the election. Proper accounting is maintained, and meticulous records kept of who received how much and so on. It goes without saying that the man entrusted with this task does not travel alone. He may have close associates traveling with him, or adding a layer of extra security, and in order to prevent double-crossing, his boss may depute security guards who are with him constantly, day or night. These men will claim they are protecting him, but he will find out that he cannot get rid of them. While outdoors, they will even accompany him to the doorstep of public toilets whenever he goes for a pee.
The medieval world stays on. As children, we all heard stories about rooms in palaces stuffed with gold, diamonds, emeralds, pearls and other precious stones. Those belonged to the kings of yore. These days, political parties, not kings, keep houses and apartments full of hard cash instead. Instead of palaces, houses and bungalows constitute the new warehouses inside which instead of precious stones, black money to be used in elections is stored. Sometimes raids are conducted by central or state agencies. In past elections, money has also been recovered from private airplanes, cars and even ambulances (think Bollywood)! Not small seizures either, for in 2014, they collectively amounted to some $36 million (Rs 217 crore in cash). In 2019, there were reports that suspect cash, illegal liquor and drugs valued at over Rs 1,400 crore were seized since the Election Commission announced the parliamentary election schedule.
There is now an increasing awareness of this issue and if nothing else, at least lip service is paid to the idea of controlling the transport and use of black money. During election season, the Bureau of Civil Aviation Security (BCAS) has been known to issue directions requiring even VIPs flying by state-owned aircraft or aircraft owned privately or in chartered flights to have their luggage searched just the same way in which the luggage of ordinary persons was searched. In effect, this has stripped the political class of a method of transporting black money and large sums of cash quickly using aircraft. To be effective, it is not only the VIPs but even the VVIPs—persons granted security as a result of their status and security considerations—who would need to have their luggage subjected to search. It is worth mentioning that this would check not only the movement of black money, but also illegal weapons used in elections, revealing distortions to the democratic process through money power as well as organised violence. Meanwhile, the nation patiently awaits the day when elections will be cleaner and fairer.
Rajesh Talwar is an author of 36 books across multiple genres, and has worked for the United Nations for over two decades across three continents. His most recent book is “Trading Flesh in Tokyo: Nine Short Stories and a Play”.
