Self-annihilation of political opposition - The Daily Guardian
Connect with us

Opinion

Self-annihilation of political opposition

India’s political opposition continues to remain confused, bitter about electoral defeat and rejection, incapable of reinventing itself, and unable to articulate what it stands for except for a blind, personalised, often cheap opposition to PM Modi.

Anirban Ganguly

Published

on

Who has annihilated the political opposition in India? It is India’s political opposition which has or is annihilating itself. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi is making history, India’s political opposition continues to remain confused, bitter about electoral defeat and rejection, incapable of reinventing itself, unable to articulate what it stands for except for a blind, personalised, often cheap opposition to PM Modi, who has twice on a row won an overwhelming electoral mandate since 2014.

 Not just by participating in the bhoomi pujan in Ayodhya for a new Ram Mandir did Modi make history, Modi’s speech on the occasion was also historic — it was history itself. He looked at the event as a new beginning, a new dawn and awakening, and said that “the construction of Shree Ram Temple is a task to unite the entire nation” and that “celebration is an occasion to unite belief with reality, Man with Supreme God, mankind with conviction, the present with the past, and self with ethos.” The bhoomi pujan symbolised the democratic ethos of the majority in India, it symbolised the unity of Indian society at all levels and displayed the robustness of India’s constitutional, legal and democratic systems. It has also ensured that India’s staggering diversity shall remain intact, since the faith of India’s majority is one that is based on a deeper civilisational philosophy and is not an intolerant ideological or political religion.

India’s opposition, mainly the Congress and communist parties, had no word of solidarity with the majority on this occasion. They either kept silent, or criticised Modi, or the legal process, or cast aspersion on the judiciary.

Narendra Modi also made history, to the chagrin of the opposition, especially the Congress, to become the longest-serving non-Congress Prime Minister of India. Yes, it is hoped by millions and millions of Indians that Modi would also surpass Jawaharlal Nehru’s uninterrupted tenure of sixteen years in power. This hope stems not from being fixated in trying to demolish Nehruvianism — which is in any case in its last throes — or in trying to “overturn” Nehru’s “political vision of India”, that vision was resoundingly overturned in the summer of 2014 when India voted Modi, a commoner who had risen up the ranks. It stems in the majority, from the realisation that Modi is one leader, who, in his record of governance, in his attempts at empowering India’s teeming and marginalised millions, has actually delivered on the fundamentals which Nehru’s political vision of India had omitted or forgotten to actualise.

Nehru’s political vision of India gave rise to unbridled cronyism, was obsessed with pitting communities against one another, was fanatical about promoting an irreverent and anti-religious secularism and was driven by a compulsive tendency to go overboard in appeasing a section and allowing the process of national decision making to be driven by that consideration.

Nehru’s political vision spoke of making India independent and self-reliant but kept her fixated on and tied to some power blocs or other. Fanatically secular, which meant being insensitive to the faith and aspirations of the majority, Nehru also neglected agriculture, infrastructure building, primary education and allowed the Indian entrepreneurial spirit to be subdued and controlled by an elaborate and intricate regime of licenses, permits and quotas.

His “Nehruvian Consensus” was essentially shaped and articulated by the Left which was obsessed in trying to deconstruct India and to turn her essentially into a satellite-state. The Left pushed through Nehru’s persona an outlandish and unsuited mix of economic and political theories that they wanted imposed on India. In fact, Nehru’s Congress soon ceased to be the same party which spearheaded India’s freedom movement, and after 1969 when Nehru’s daughter, Indira, split the party, the original Congress disappeared altogether.

 Jan Bhagidari and Jan Shakti best describe Modi’s style of rule or functioning. Every fundamentally transformative initiative that he has undertaken, Modi has based them on these two driving dimensions. His ruling style is to directly engage with the people — he talks to them and they connect to him.

One of the most striking features of Indian politics is that its opposition is leaderless and rudderless, that is, it has been unable to evolve a credible front, has failed to come up with an acceptable political narrative and has not succeeded in reaching out to the people by presenting an alternative to Modi. The last few days have revealed major cracks in the Congress, exposing the acute dissatisfaction and disaffection that is plaguing the party.

The opposition’s inability to re-group is not the BJP’s or Modi’s responsibility — it indicates their own ideological bankruptcy and incapacity. In fact, Modi’s continuing challenge is to undo the mess created by years of cronyism, of governance-lethargy and nondelivery, of the calcification of the system that decades of Congress rule have left behind. Opposition leaders have been unable to subsume their overweening ambitions while trying to take on Modi. The case of Mamata Banerjee is most striking. She spoke of and attempted to form a combined opposition in January 2019, months before the general elections, in order to unseat Modi, but her attempts collapsed under the weight of her own ambitions of becoming Prime Minister.

The opposition led by the Congress, communist parties and Mamata Banerjee’s TMC tried to organise a violent street protest against the constitutionally passed and Parliament-legislated Citizenship Amendment Act which facilitated the granting of citizenship to beleaguered and religiously persecuted minorities from India’s neighbourhood. But these violent protests received no traction and soon petered out to a few small municipal pockets and localities. Subsequent revelations also exposed that a number of these were engineered from beyond Indian shores with the active connivance of separatist elements and platforms linked with international terror groups inimical to India.  

 Congress’s decade in power is largely remembered for violent terror attacks and serial terror blasts, it is remembered for huge corruption scandals and is also remembered for how its Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was repeatedly overruled or insulted in full public view by members of the party’s controlling family. The decade is primarily remembered for the manner in which it had compromised and weakened India’s governance, decision-making process and her political and parliamentary and governance structures. The most positive aspect of PM Modi’s rule is that those democratic fundamentals have been restored, delivery and accountability is at an all-time high, cronyism, quid pro quo-ism and political patronage have taken a severe beating and the concept of rule of law and the sense that the Constitution, and not subversive secularism, is paramount to national wellbeing is being re-instilled. Indian democracy is passing through one of its most robust phases.

What drives and inspires the majority of Indians, what attaches them to PM Modi, what they have definitely and intensely understood about him is that he has completely identified with and has internalised their travails and their aspirations, they realise that the manner in which their hopes have touched him, it has touched no other leader, they realise that the aspiration of seeing India new and great is intense in him like it is in no one else. This makes them choose him. Since the political opposition in India fails to understand this, it moves towards self-annihilation. Why fault Modi or BJP for its denouement?

 The writer is Director, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee Research Foundation, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal.

The Daily Guardian is now on Telegram. Click here to join our channel (@thedailyguardian) and stay updated with the latest headlines.

For the latest news Download The Daily Guardian App.

Opinion

Cinema on big screen back in Kashmir after 32 years

Pankaj Vohra

Published

on

Cinema on big screen back in Kashmir after 32 years

It is a well-known fact that both Bollywood and Cricket are perhaps the greatest unifying forces in the country. Therefore, the return of cinema on the big screen in Kashmir is perhaps a great breakthrough made by the present administration and could contribute in restoring some sort of normalcy in the Union Territory. Over the years, Kashmir was one of the favourite places for shooting movies and its beautiful scenic surroundings provided the backdrop for so many on the screen romances. Raj Kapoor was probably the first big producer director who shot his Barsaat’ in the valley. There were objections in some quarters when the movie was released since orthodox people objected to Nargis wearing a Kashmiri dress. There was no end to filming there onwards. Shammi Kapoor’sJunglee’ which provided him the Yahoo image and launched him from that point as the rebel star was partly shot in Kashmir. Scores of movies from Kashmir Ki Kali’ andJab Jab Phool Khile’ starring Shashi Kapoor followed. However, at the beginning of the 1990s, some people decided to take law into their own hands and objected to Bollywood movies being screened. Their primary objection was that their religion did not permit films. This was a totally uncalled for interpretation of Islam since in neighbouring Pakistan which is an Islamic country, Movies continued to be produced and watched by millions of people. In fact, Hindi films were a big hit in that country and on my only visit to Islamabad in 2005, was surprised to see Shah Rukh Khan posters and videos at many places. It was evident that Bollywood was a big influence and people looked forward to watching films produced in Mumbai and elsewhere. Thus, to infer that movies should be banned in Kashmir was a completely regressive step. Lt Governor Manoj Sinha has taken this initiative of once again making theatres available to the masses so that they could enjoy watching movies. It has always been the constant demand of anyone from Kashmir who visits other parts of the country that their programme should include at least two or three movies. The administration there has made it possible for them to entertain themselves in their own cities and towns. Many people have expressed the apprehension that Ultras inspired by forces from across the border may try and disrupt the screening and may also target the movie theatres to spread terror. The government is obviously prepared to take everyone on who wishes to pursue this kind of line. In fact, people should come out in open support of the authorities as without their participation, it would be extremely difficult to take this positive proposal ahead. Kashmir was always known for its distinct culture and cannot be deprived of this new experience for many who may have never been to a theatre. This is a step in the right direction which needs wider endorsement. Once movies start getting screened, more and more producers would line up to shoot their films thus adding to the revenue of the UT and other areas. Kashmiris cannot be denied entertainment any further. And the movies will strengthen their economy because the film industry is very resourceful and influential. 

Continue Reading

Opinion

CRIME AGAINST WOMEN: A STUDY OF PERCEPTIONS AND AWARENESS IN YOUTH

The Indian legislations made to deal with crimes against women are in galore. The Constitution of India and certain other legislations having bearing on women’s protection are as under of certain other enactments pertaining to the crimes committed against women. These laws have been passed by Indian Parliament from time to time to prevent such crime against women in the Indian society.

Published

on

Crime

It is an exigency today for our society to thoroughly study the crimes against women in various patterns and shades. The crime against women has become the order of the day and the same is confirmed by our print, web and broadcast media by their news reporting and coverage. Though women are worshipped as life givers, the numerous instances of crimes against women stand antithetical and are as stigma to our culture. It may look repetitive but to remind that women play a very pivotal role in the society, and yet the society has not given them their due share and the veneration they deserve. The Indian patriarchy has always been biased against women and this negative inclination has resulted in grievous offences like rape, acid attack, stalking, voyeurism and a host of other heinous crimes.
The glorious Vedic history stands as a witness that women in India were treated as goddess in the form of Lakshmi, Saraswati, and Durga and had a very reverential status in the society they enjoyed the equal rights like men. However the medieval period saw the unprecedented and never to be repaired deterioration in the status women one time enjoyed. The new low was that they were treated as subservient as property. They were no near men not to think of near equality. This period was called ‘Dark Period for Women’ and it holds water. The period of British rule further lowered the position of women drastically mainly due to the western socio-cultural impact. Many reform movements were launched for the women and by the women against the age old bias, inequality, suppression and other corollary atrocities, and voiced for the women education and necessary legal reforms. Thus during this period the efforts of the reformers, national leaders and women’s organizations resulted in a good deal of social legislations by the British Government.
After Independence, the Constitution of India guaranteed gender equality, fundamental rights and special provisions for the treatment and development of women in every sphere of life. Even after these rights, women have been always discriminated on the basis of their sex.
Efforts have been made at various levels to curb the same. However, no substantial change had been visible until the year 2012, when the heinous rape committed in Delhi shook the entire nation up from this false stupor of security.
In December 2012, the Government introduced the Criminal Law Amendment Bill, 2012 in the Lok Sabha. The Bill sought to redefine the offence of rape and amend the penal laws in line with the recommendations of the Law Commission of India and the National Commission for Women (NCW). Following the Delhi gang-rape incident, the Government constituted a three member committee headed by the former Chief Justice J. S. Verma to suggest amendments to the criminal laws to ensure speedier justice and enhanced punishments in cases of extreme sexual assault. The Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013, passed in the Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha respectively on March 19 and 21, 2013), the bill received presidential assent on 2 April 2013 and was deemed to be effective from 3 February, 2013. Most of the recommendations made by Justice Verma Committee were incorporated as paramount for quicker trial and an enhanced punishment for the criminals committing sexual assault of extreme nature against women.
India being a follower of UN Charter and other important international instruments like Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, Convention on Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women 1979, Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women 1993, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1966, and related Protocols of 1976. These international instruments provide for equality, security, liberty and integrity for all persons inclusive of women.
The Indian legislations made to deal with crimes against women are in galore. The Constitution of India and certain other legislations having bearing on women’s protection are as under of certain other enactments pertaining to the crimes committed against women. These laws have been passed by Indian Parliament from time to time to prevent such crime against women in the Indian society.
There are many factors that contribute to crime against women in India such as chauvinistic patriarchy, illiteracy, unemployment, unequal wages, discriminatory socio-cultural practices, lack of awareness of seriousness of the crime, unquestioned acceptances of men’s superiority over women etc.
In the emotionally charged atmosphere after Nirbhaya gang rape case at that time, parliament did not get scope for undertake its due deliberation on the amendments or debate on each clause. It was anxious to appease public sentiment and enact more stringent rape laws.
Presently, the failure of good governance is the obvious root cause for the current unsafe environment eroding the rule of law, and not the want of needed legislation of Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013 as the changes are unquestionably draconian. If there is a felt need for more laws, then there are many recommendations of expert bodies and judicial decisions that remain unimplemented. But the government ignored all the recommendations and in haste passed the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013. The amendment brought certain change in IPC, Cr.P.C. and the Evidence Act particularly relating to protection of women against crime. These challenges unquestionably the Criminal Law Amendment Act which is being abused in practice.
In recent years there has been an alarming increase in sexual violence and harassment of women, which reveals a large scale societal breakdown. Violence against women appears to have the dual function of at once controlling women and perpetuating their interior status. It also aims at restricting women’s mobility and sexuality and to punish women who flout societal norms prescribed by the particular community. All the public place are physically dominated by man which poses a number of threats for women while they are moving towards pursuing education, acquiring some gainful employment or even trying to make a stride in the public space. To enable women to fight against discrimination and abuse it is necessary to empower them by ensuring for them appropriate and effective legal aid. Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 is a successful step in this sense which not only expands the definition of rape, it also addresses penalties for other abhorrent forms of crime like stalking, voyeurism. But the study revealed that appropriate and efficient laws alone are not sufficient to protect the right to live with dignity of women.
The purpose of law is to prescribe the standard of behaviour of the people and to regulate their conduct in a civilized society. Faithful implementation of the law is of the essence under the rule of law for good governance. In the absence of faithful implementation of the laws by efficient machinery, it remains mere rhetoric and a dead letter.
Unless and until people are ready to fight for it, things will not change. To handle women-related crimes effectively society’s perception needs to be completely altered. Strict law, however, creates fear among the people but it cannot put a complete deterrent to it since male domination and women subordination is very much ingrained in our socio-economic and political system. Socialization of children based on equality of sexes can redistribute and equate the power between male and female thereby alter the unequal power relations between both the sexes. Social media can play a significant role in making the masses understand sexism, sexual violence, fighting patriarchy and facilitating altitudinal change in the society.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Madrasa surveys could become a gamechanger

Muslim intellectuals like Iqbal had felt need for improvement of madrasa syllabus. Even today the need for reforms in Muslim education have not changed.

Atir Khan

Published

on

Madrasa surveys could become a gamechanger

The government surveys of madarsas have great potential for country’s progress if carried out in the right earnest. But they are happening at a time when memories of certain madarsas in Assam being demolished due to alleged terror links are fresh in people’s minds.
In Assam certain madarsas were demolished even before its accused teachers were taken to court trails on the charges of terror links. It was interpreted as an onslaught on the madarsas due to mistake of a few persons. This has shrouded the entire exercise aimed at studying Muslim education system with an element of suspicion.
In India madarsas have been in the forefront of the country’s freedom struggle. Unfortunately, their state of affairs ever since the Independence have been largely neglected. Their condition has worsened ever since they were excluded from the Right to Education Act.
Now Uttar Pradesh & Assam governments have embarked upon a massive exercise of mapping them. Dharam Pal Singh, a senior minister in the Yogi Adityanath cabinet said that the survey is meant to find the deficiencies in the education of the unrecognized madarsas in the state.
This move has challenged the status quo at the madarsas and have therefore created restlessness among the Ulemas, which have questioned the timing and the intent of the exercise.
The surveys were initiated after National Commission for Protection of Child Rights submitted its report to all state governments asking them to map the madarsas.
The report has made the recommendation on the basis of certain complaints of child rights violations. It is estimated that there are more than one lakh madarsas in the country.
Interestingly NCPCR in its 2021 report had not singled out madarsas. But it had also recommended mapping of the all unrecognized Vedic Pathshalas, Gumpas and other forms of non-formal education centers as well.
However, there has been a sharp criticism among the Muslims and some political leaders, who on various counts have questioned the state governments’ extraordinary attention and singling out the Muslim institutions.
However, Muslim intellectuals like Iqbal had felt the need for improvement and had believed that the madarsa syllabus was ossified in time. Even today the scholars’ views on the need for reforms in Muslim education have not changed. Indian madarsas largely run-on charity and have not relied either on government or foreign funding. A large percentage of these madarsas act as orphanages.
To bring about more clarity let’s look at the type of madarsas in India. Basically, there are three types of madarsas. First which are unmapped and include country’s top madarsas including highly reputed Darul-Uloom. It is run by donations from within the country. Such institutes constitute the largest number in the country.
The second type are recognized, which are registered in the state madarsa board and provide some kind of modern education to the children. They also receive textbooks, uniforms, other facilities and funds from the governments.
The third type is unrecognized, which have approached the government for funds but either due to insufficient infrastructure or some other reason they were not granted the recognition. They are also on their own.
According to NCPCR report total number of Muslim children in India in age group 6-14 years was 3.8 crores. Total number of Muslim Out of School Children is 1.1 crore (about 33 per cent). As per the reports most such students are studying in unmapped madarsas, (which are also considered to be unrecognized by the government) and about 15 lakh student study in the recognized madarsas.
In the past Congress, Janta Dal and BJP have made efforts to improve the condition of madarsas, by carrying out limited studies but no significant results were achieved.
The madarsas in India have largely remained neglected and left to fend for themselves due to their being involved in religious teaching only. But like other religious institutions across the country there are some black sheep indulging in undesirable activities such as terrorism, etc. Further there is a lack of transparency.
It needs to be understood that a small percentage of parents send children to madarsas by choice of pursuing Islamic studies. As some students are genuinely interested in advanced religious studies.
One also finds some very bright students in these institutes, who have even cracked All India Services competitive exams, considered to be one of the toughest in the world. Recently concluded NEET exams also prove their capability.
By and large a majority of students studying in madarsas constitute children of poor background, who don’t have the privilege of going to schools and belong to families which fall below poverty line. So madarsas remain the only option for their overall growth.
As per NCPCR report the Muslim community contributes to a share percentage of 69.18% to the religious minority population and contributes to a share of merely 22,75 per cent to the religious minority schools. It had a total of 4085 schools. It is also a fact that below 5 per cent students from madarsas make it to the undergraduate level.
There should be no doubt that madarsas need to be more inclusive in their approach and syllabus. There is no binding on madarsas to only impart religious studies. The Right to Education in all of its 39 Sections doesn’t restrict imparting religious education. Therefore, a blending of religious studies and modern education within the ambit of Right to Education Act seems to be a good solution. The madarsas need to open up to modern studies and private schools need to impart religious studies as well.
While madarsas have their own place and significance and should evolve for children’s betterment, there is also a need to increase the number of Muslim private schools in the country. The community should make efforts in this direction.
Now that UP, Assam and Uttarkhand government have decided to carry out the surveys of madarsas it is expected that it’s going to be a meaningful exercise. The data from the surveys will be used for the benefit of education for Muslim students, who would eventually turn out to be better and more productive citizens.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The normalisation of rape culture in Indian society

Bilkis Bano’s case reveals the horrific hatred that men have towards women. This dastardly act has shaken the very core of every thinking woman in India.

Published

on

The normalisation of rape culture in Indian society

Rape crimes in India are becoming a daily part of our news feed. We read about war-ravaged Ukraine, Finland’s Prime Minister being accountable for a party video leak, Sonali Phogat’s death, and Bilkis Bano’s case, all in the same breath.
Maybe we are slowly becoming accustomed to violence against women and also starting to accept this as another entitlement that men in rage can have over a woman.
In a patriarchal society, rape culture is far more insidious and twisted in its understanding among the masses. In this culture, the blame is diverted towards the victim for either implicitly or explicitly bringing it upon herself. To an extent, the media is to blame for the objectification of women, which is always done through the lens of the male gaze. With the bombardment of crude female nudity, the normalisation of such crimes becomes a natural thought process of punishment towards women.
Also, in such cultures, women are taught to not express disapproval when they are molested or eve teased. It is or was something that she bought upon herself. The stigma of shame is extremely high for the victim.
Many cases don’t get reported because of the taboo attached to sexual misconduct. The truth is molestation and rape don’t happen only when a woman is outdoors during late hours, risking her safety. Rape also occurs within the confines of close-knit family relationships, neighbors, and friends. Women are viewed as someone who deserve punishment for not towing the line or adhering to the prescribed norms. According to the National Crime Records Bureau 2019 report, in 94.2% of rape cases, the accused was known to the survivor.
Such men who commit these atrocities are raised in environments and mindsets that subjugate women.
Any form of rebellion or resistance on her part is not acceptable.
Rape in marriages is not even considered a crime.
Bilkis Bano’s case reveals the horrific hatred that men have towards women. This dastardly act has shaken the very core of every thinking woman in India. Women no longer feel safe, nor can they trust that their complaints will be heard and that the culprit will be punished suitably.
 Every day, we read horror stories about minors being mutilated and raped. The minor is a girl in all cases. Bilkis’s case was among the other most heinous crimes that have been committed in India, including the gang rape of a 22-year-old Nirbhaya, who had dared to travel on public transport in our capital city of Delhi.
Pregnant Bilkis Bano’s rape isn’t just a political or religious matter for women in India. It is about the collective consciousness of women that is being tested.
It is equally shocking when the elite of India try to argue on grounds of religious hatred and historical data of the Mughals ravaging India to half condone the act. The reasons cited are that when multiple Hindu women are raped, why is there no outrage? These arguments fail to see the atrocities committed against women as a collective gender.
 Bilkis was gang raped when she was 5 months pregnant and her three-year-old toddler was smashed to death. Plus, her entire family of 13 was killed in front of her eyes.
One can’t deny that this does make us wonder about the issues of minority safety and majority power in a country as diverse as India.
One does shudder to think of the level of trauma that Bilkis Bano had to face. Plus the crestfallen look in her eyes to watch the 11 rapists being released and also welcomed out of jail with the ceremonial feeding of sweets. This seems beyond dystopian to any civilised nation.
The informed women in the country are shocked and dismayed at the obscene public display of injustice.
This isn’t Hindu versus Muslim. This is men against women.
A rape victim is traumatised for her entire life and the shadow it casts on her emotional health is still not discussed as it should be.
Bilkis Bano, winning this case and ensuring the rapists go right back into prison again, will reinstate the faith we have in our government and the judiciary.

Mohua Chinappa is an author and a podcaster of a show called The Mohua Show.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Personal data protection: Time to focus on an individual’s online ‘Right to be forgotten’

This right is not available under India’s current data privacy regime.

Published

on

Personal data protection: Time to focus on an individual’s online ‘Right to be forgotten’

Generally, there is a common misconception that data once deleted from any online platform or social media platform shall be deleted permanently, but it is not known to many that the data being uploaded by the user on any online platform or social media might get stored on the server held by the parent company and also there is no surety whether the data would be left untouched or be traded with other third parties involved for the sake of minting profit. In reality, social media and other online open-source platforms are a trap for the users set by the companies to extract information, and they either make use of the information themselves or sell it to other third parties in return to mint money, in the end, it’s the users who become the scapegoat.
In the light of social security and public interest, the right to be forgotten at large should be validated as ignoring this issue might pave the way to exploitation of user data and further other illegal activities. The government needs to change its approach and focus on revamping the legal framework in this regard along with entering into global collaboration efforts to protect the privacy of the individuals for the public at large.
The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2018 (“New Data Protection Act”) introduced the concept of an individual’s “Right to be forgotten” in India. This right is currently not available under India’s current data privacy regime which comes in the form of the Information Technology (Reasonable Security Practices and Procedures and Sensitive Personal Data or Information) Rules, 2011 (“DP Rules 2011”) framed under the Information Technology Act, 2000 (“IT Act 2000”). “Section 27 of the New Data Protection Act,” “which falls under chapter 6 (Data Principal Rights) of the New Data Protection Act,” carves out the “right to be forgotten” in no uncertain terms.
“According to this section, every data principal shall have the right to restrict or prevent continuing disclosure of personal data (relating to such data principal) by any data fiduciary if such disclosure meets 1 of the following 3 conditions, namely the disclosure, withdrawn; (i) has served the purpose for which it was made or is no longer necessary; or (ii) was made based on the data principal’s consent and such consent has since been another law in force. or (iii) was made contrary to the provisions of the New Data Protection Act or any of personal data.”
To make use of the aforementioned rights to limit or prevent the further disclosure of personal data, an application must be filed, in the form and manner indicated, with an Adjudicating Officer, and such Adjudicating Officer must have concluded that at least one of the other three grounds mentioned above applies, as well as that the data principal’s interest and rights in restricting or preventing the prolonged dissemination of personal data outweigh any citizen’s right to freedom of expression and information.
The “right to be forgotten” emanates from a 2014 judgement by the European Court of Justice in the case of Google Spain SL, Google Inc. v. Agencia Espaola de Protección de Datos, Mario Costeja González. In this case, a newspaper published an article in 1998 relating to a forced property sale that was required to be made by Mr Mario Costeja Gonzalez to settle a social security debt.
As a result, the European Court of Justice ruled that European residents have the right to ask metasearch businesses like Google, who collect personal data for business, to erase links to sensitive data when requested, given that such material is no longer relevant. The European Court of Justice determined that the fundamental right to privacy is more important than a commercial firm’s economic interest and, in certain situations, more important than the interest of the public in access to data.
Likewise, in the case of Subhranshu Rout @ Gugul v. the State of Odisha, “the offender allegedly videotaped the rape, established a bogus social media profile, and published the material on the social media site.” The High Court of Orissa (“Court”) denied the accused’s bail motion, citing a lack of adequate remedies for victims seeking to have harmful information removed from the internet. In light of both escalating online abuse and exceptional callous activity on the internet, as well as the lack of a framework for exercising the right to be forgotten, the Court concluded that a broader debate on the execution of this right was required.
In a recent verdict, the Karnataka High Court ordered around 17 media houses to block/redact the names of the acquitted persons in a case who had invoked the “right to be forgotten”. Although Indian laws do not have specific provisions enshrined to protect the rights of the individual under such circumstances, however, the courts under the garb of judicial activism have stressed and taken note of instances where an individual’s right to privacy is in jeopardy. As the release of any sensitive data in the public domain shall lead to mental agony and harm to the reputation of not only that particular individual/group of individuals, but also to their families.
As a corollary, when that comes to the right to be forgotten, advocates essentially argue here that the right to privacy entails the right to be forgotten including people individuals who have been imprisoned or have faced charges and now desire to move forward.
The requirement for personal data or information about past traumatic occurrences of people who have already been punished or prosecuted to stay in the public domain is increasingly being challenged in court. It is a dire need of the hour that the government formulates laws that govern the liabilities of intermediaries and also protect the interests of the public at large.
The author is an independent IP Attorney working with a reputed law firm.

Continue Reading

Opinion

PM Modi’s ‘Not Era Of War’ Remark To Putin is In Tune With India’s Stand

Published

on

Narendra Modi

During a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Russian President Vladimir Putin, “Today’s era is not an era of war, and I have spoken to you on the phone about this,” and added that “democracy, diplomacy and dialogue kept the world together”. This remark by PM Modi has been interpreted by the West as a “public rebuke” by the Indian premier who has so far steered clear of making any statement that could be viewed as a public criticism of the Russian President for Moscow’s military operation against Ukraine.  Some commentators and foreign policy analysts went one step further and interpreted the remark as an indication of India changing its stance vis-à-vis the Russian invasion against Ukraine.
French President Emmanuel Macron and US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan cited this remark urging Putin to end the war. Macron even went to the extent of saying that those countries which have chosen to be “neutral” and “non-aligned” are “mistaken” and have a historical responsibility to speak out. “Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India, was right when he said the time is not for war. It is not for revenge against the West, or for opposing the West against the East. It is the time for a collective time for our sovereign equal states. To cope together with challenges we face,” Macron went on to say at UNGA. What Macron’s statements highlight was the West’s eagerness to somehow send out a message to Russia that India is on their side in publicly condemning Moscow.  In fact, both the French President and the US NSA saw in the PM’s remarks a much-awaited opportunity to exactly do the same. With this in mind, the West started misinterpreting what PM Modi said during the bilateral meeting with Putin.
To describe PM Modi’s words, “Today’s era is not of war” to Putin as public criticism of Russia or as something that suggests change in India’s stand is absolutely a misinterpretation of the remarks. What the Prime Minister said is completely in sync with India’s stand on Ukraine. PM Modi has been asking for cessation of violence right from day one. He has been telling the Russian President Putin in all his telephonic talks that there should be immediate cessation of violence and the problems should be resolved through dialogue and diplomacy. They have spoken at least four times in the last six months where the Prime Minister has called for cessation of hostilities and advocated the path of diplomacy and dialogue. This is what PM Modi underlined again during talks with Putin in Uzbekistan. Where is any change of stand then? What the West chose to ignore was a significant part of PM Modi’s statement in which the Indian leader clearly said that “I have spoken to you (Putin) about this (the need for restoration of peace)”. Ever since the war broke out, PM Modi has been emphasising on restoration of peace, end of violence, and dialogue and diplomacy. So, it’s in sync with the Indian position that has been reiterated time and again.
Whenever the West pressured India to join them to condemn Russia, New Delhi clearly said that it is on the side of peace. India has maintained that its approach will be driven also by national interest. Amid the growing pressure by the western countries on India to be critical of Russia, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on various platforms and during several bilateral and multilateral meetings has been telling the West unequivocally that India was, is and will be on the side of peace. That is exactly what PM Modi did when he said that this is not the era of war. The India premier has been reminding the world of the terrible cost of the conflict while reaffirming India’s stand pitching for cessation of violence. India did not show any hitch while condemning the Bucha massacre in Ukraine and joined various countries in demanding a probe into it. India voted twice to allow Ukraine President Zelensky to address the UN bodies. India also reached out to Ukraine with humanitarian assistance as well. So, India cannot also be viewed as showing any tilt towards Russia amid the violence. India has always been on the right side.
Therefore, the PM’s comments need to be seen in the context of India’s position in the last seven months of the war. There is no point in the West viewing PM Modi’s remarks underlining the need for peace as India changing its stand and choosing to join the bloc in its raft of sanctions against Russia. In the context of the ongoing situation in Ukraine, Prime Minister, in fact, reiterated India’s long-standing position in favour of dialogue and diplomacy.
T. BRAJESH

Continue Reading

Trending