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PM Modi’s big bang structural reforms finally bearing fruit

Indian economy is on the cusp of a big turnaround. While the IMF estimates an 8.8 percent GDP growth for India in the next financial year, Nomura predicts 9.9 percent and Goldman Sachs a massive 13 percent GDP growth.

Sanju Verma



‘A virus has ravaged the world. We have never seen or heard of a crisis like this. The only way for India to triumph over the crisis is to strengthen our resolve so that our resolve is even greater than this crisis.”

These words by Prime Minister Narendra Modi sum up the steely resolve of this government that converted various adversities into opportunities all through 2020 for a better 2021. PM Modi further said, “There is an unprecedented crisis but India will neither get tired nor give up the fight against the coronavirus. We have to protect ourselves and move ahead as well. The special economic package would be the main component of Aatmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India).This package is for migrants and farmers who work for the nation day and night, no matter the circumstances. The package will focus on land, labour, liquidity and laws. It will help small businesses, labourers, farmers. This will focus on the well-being of migrant workers too.”

Needless to add, PM Modi›s ambitious Aatmanirbhar Bharat package of almost Rs 30 lakh crore, tantamount to a solid 15 percent of India›s GDP, has been re-energising the economy across sectors by not only resolving supply chain disruptions but, more importantly, by boosting demand. As in the final analysis, demand resurgence is the fulcrum around which India›s economic momentum is taking shape.

The auto industry is a lead indicator and a precursor of where the economy is heading. Given the stellar auto sales of the last three months, it is safe to conclude that the Indian economy is gathering momentum. Maruti Suzuki, for instance, sold 1.64 lakh units in October 2020, which effectively means that Maruti sold more than four cars every single minute. Hyundai posted the highest ever November sales at 48,800 units in 2020, a growth of 9.4 percent, over the same month last year. Feedback from dealers suggests that demand for the SUV models of Creta, Venue and the newly-launched i20 has been so strong that the waiting period is anywhere between eight to sixteen weeks for these cars. Tata Motors also saw a big resurgence in demand, posting an impressive 108 percent growth, selling 21,641 units last month. The broader passenger vehicles segment in November 2020 saw a growth of 24 percent over the same period last year. Kia Motors and Honda saw a 50 percent and 55 percent growth in sales, respectively, in November year on year (YoY). Tractor sales surged by 48.34 percent in November 2020 to 89,530 units from 60,352 units a year ago, driven by a higher kharif output and good rabi sowing.

The Modi government’s focus on rural growth continues and outlay under Aatmanirbhar Bharat 3.0 will only boost rural incomes further. M&M, the tractor behemoth, for example, sold 31,619 tractors in the domestic market during November 2020, a superb growth of 55 percent over last year. Escorts Ltd registered a growth of 30.9 percent in tractor sales in November 2020. The dealer and depot stocks continue to be low, indicating that the demand resurgence in the last few months was driven by genuine retail sales and not merely limited to inventory restocking ahead of the festive season or the “base effect”.

The positivity continued for the two wheeler segment too, with Hero MotoCorp Ltd, the world’s largest two-wheeler manufacturer, selling 5.91 lakh units in November 2020, a 14 percent jump over last year. In the recently concluded festival period, over 14 lakh motorcycle units were retailed by Hero in just the 32-day period starting from the Navratras till Bhai Duj. Apart from auto sales, the index of industrial production (IIP) rose by 3.6 percent in October 2020, touching a 8-month high, with the manufacturing sector posting growth for the first time since February this year and expanding by a good 3.5 percent. The manufacturing category makes up 77 percent of the IIP. A 3.6 percent rise in the IIP after a 6.6 percent contraction in October 2019 is indeed a vindication of the return to normalcy.

Consumer durables saw a robust 17.6 percent growth in October, as compared to a 3.4 percent growth in the previous month of September and a 18.9 percent decline in October last year.

Consumer non-durables, comprising essential goods with a broadly non-elastic demand, grew by 7.5 percent in October. More importantly, the construction segment grew by a healthy 7.8 percent during the month. Capital goods also entered positive territory in October 2020, growing by 3.3 percent YoY, after 21 months of decline. Electricity generation rose by a solid 11.2 percent in October 2020 after rising by 4.8 percent in September.

The IIP data complements a set of other broad economic indicators such as generation of e-way bills and goods and services tax (GST) collections, indicating the restoration of momentum in economic activity, after months of disruption caused by the Covid pandemic. For example, for two months in a row, GST collections were Rs 1.05 lakh crore each in the months of October and November 2020. The total number of GSTR-3B returns filed for the month of November was 82 lakh. Again, e-way bill generation in November 2020 was steady at 55.3 million, after clocking an unprecedented 64.1 million in October 2020, which was the highest ever since the e-way bill system came into practice.

A major indicator of the resumption of economic activity in the country was Fastag payments or automated toll payments, which have been deployed across all national highways in the country. In February, NPCI reported 110 million toll transactions which dropped to 84 million in March and a mere 10 million in April 2020. However, in October, with highway traffic becoming almost normal, there were 122 million transactions reported with Rs 2,137 crore being collected in toll payments. Bharat Bill Payments or BBPS has been a silent beneficiary of the pandemic. The numbers reflect a similar trend. If January 2020 saw around 15 million bill payments being done monthly, for October, the number jumped 58 percent to 23.7 million with almost Rs 4,000 crore being paid digitally. Also, the amount of bills paid digitally has jumped over 200 per cent versus data for the same time period last year. RuPay card usage for online transactions continued to hold steady at the 60 million level throughout the year, which is a good sign. In the festive October month, the amount of money paid through RuPay cards reached Rs 8,753 crore, up 55 percent from Rs 5,644 crore at the beginning of the year.

Again, net new enrolments with retirement fund body EPFO rose by 56 percent to 11.55 lakhs in October, as compared to 7.39 lakhs in the same month last year, showcasing the steadily rising trend in formal sector employment despite the pandemic. The net payroll additions were 14.19 lakhs in September 2020. Earlier, for April this year, net new enrolments stood at just 1 lakh. Hence, the recent buoyancy in payroll numbers is certainly a big step forward.

FDI inflow increased to $55.56 billion in 2015-16, $60.22 billion in 2016-17, $60.97 billion in 2017-18 and the country registered its highest ever FDI inflow of $62.00 billion in 2018-19. Moreover, India has attracted more than $74 billion in investments across sectors during 2019-20. Total FDI inflow into India in the last 20 years (April 2000- August 2020) is $693.3 billion, while the total FDI inflow received in the last 5 years alone (April 2014-September 2019) is $335 billion. What this means is that 48.34 per cent of the total FDI inflow into India in the last 20 years came in just the last 5 years of the Modi government. Clearly, Modinomics has resonated exceedingly well with international investors, given PM Modi’s landmark labour market, agrarian, banking and coal sector reforms.

During the financial year 2020-21, the total FDI inflow of $35.73 billion, received in just the first five months, is the highest ever in a financial year and 13 percent higher, compared to the first five months of 2019-20. Foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) also pumped in a record Rs 1.42 lakh crore into Indian equities—the highest level of such investment in a calendar year since 2002—thereby, giving a huge thumbs-up to Prime Minister Modi›s excellent management of the challenges arising from the pandemic. Bank credit for the fortnight ending November 6, 2020 grew by 5.67 percent to Rs 104.04 lakh crore, while deposits increased by 10.63 percent to Rs 143.80 lakh crore.

In a recent report, the RBI too highlighted the strong economic recovery, showcased by high frequency indicators like credit growth and corporate earnings. Corporate profits rose 15 percent to touch an all-time high in the September quarter, as margins widened on better utilization levels. Earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation (Ebitda) touched an “all-time high” of Rs 1.60 lakh crore in the September 2020 quarter, as against Rs 1.02 lakh crore in the preceding June quarter.

The RBI, however, underlined that the only ‘worm in the apple’ is inflation. Worries about retail inflation have, however, started abating, given that retail inflation fell to 6.93 percent in November, against 7.61 percent in October. Food inflation also fell from 6.37 percent to 3.94 percent in this period. As per the RBI, retail inflation should fall to 5.8 percent in the fourth quarter of this financial year and thereafter, decline even further and settle in the range of 4.6-5.2 percent in the first quarter of the next financial year.

If there is one thing that PM Modi has been consistently emphasising throughout 2020, it is the concept of «Vocal for Local». Last year, India produced more than 330 million mobile handsets and is the second largest mobile manufacturer in the world today. Xiaomi India Head Manu Kumar Jain acknowledged that 99 percent of Xiaomi›s phones are ‘Made in India’ and 65 percent of the parts are locally sourced. Again, out of Xiamoi›s 35,000-strong workforce, 95 percent are women! Global tech giant Apple is also keen on making India its manufacturing hub, with Apple contractor Foxconn assembling the iPhone 11 at Chennai earlier this year, apart from Pegatron and Wistron assembling other variants of the iPhone in other locations in India. This is a part of Apple›s plan to shift over 20 percent of its production volume to India, as India is more cost competitive, compared to China.

Prime Minister Modi, at the 125th CII session a few months back, said, “For making India self-reliant, five things are necessary—Intent, Innovation, Investment, Inclusion, Infrastructure. I would rather go beyond ‘Getting Growth Back’ and say, ‘Yes, we will definitely get our growth back’. For us, reforms mean having the courage to take bold decisions and ensure that it is implemented in a time-bound manner. India must reduce its dependence on imports and ensure that we make products in India. Products must now be ‘Made in India’ and ‘Made for the world’. We must first create a robust local supply chain to help India play a key role in the global supply chain. We have been working continuously to create a favourable ecosystem for investment and business. Lakhs of MSMEs in India are the engines of India›s overall growth. Today, the rest of the world holds India in high regard and has trust in our country. The world is looking for a trustworthy partner. India has the potential and capability to ensure that we are that partner.” These profound and sincere words from PM Modi clearly highlight the modern, globally competitive and India-centric approach of Modinomics.

To cut to the chase, green shoots in the Indian economy have taken firm roots, especially with the pace of GDP contraction slowing in the September quarter to 7.5 percent, from 23.9 percent in the June quarter. Manufacturing PMI hit a 12-year high in October 2020 with a reading of 58.9 and November too saw a steady reading of 56.3. Apart from that, with REPO at a 58 year low of 4 percent, forex reserves are at a historic high of $581.131 billion and the Modi government is doing a brilliant job of managing Covid, with India’s case fatality rate (CFR) standing at 1.45 percent, the lowest in the world, and the recovery rate at almost 96 percent, among the highest worldwide.

All in all, the Indian economy is on the cusp of a big turnaround. While the IMF estimates an 8.8 percent GDP growth for India in the next financial year, Nomura predicts 9.9 percent and Goldman Sachs a massive 13 percent GDP growth. Clearly, PM Modi›s big bang structural reforms are bearing fruit.

The writer is an economist, national spokesperson for the BJP and the bestselling author of ‘Truth & Dare: The Modi Dynamic’. The views expressed are personal.

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Priya Sahgal



As Maharashtra’s Maha Vikas Aghadi government goes from crisis to ICU mode, there is a larger lesson here on coalition politics. At the very outset, the alliance was termed as an unnatural one that saw ideologically opposite parties like the Congress-NCP join hands with the radical right wing Shiv Sena. For the coalition to tango, one side had to give in and interestingly it was the Sena that took most of the backward steps. It compromised on its hardcore Hindutva ideology, toned down its rhetoric and tried an image makeover under the aegis of Uddhav Thackeray and his heir apparent Aaditya Thackeray. The politics of both Uddhav and Aaditya were progressive, they talked new age concerns like environment and sent the right feelers on governance from the financial capital of the country. The one mistake they made perhaps was not to involve all the stakeholders, it is now clear by Eknath Shinde’s comments that they felt left out of the governance pie and also resented the hold that individuals like Sanjay Raut, Sharad Pawar and even a first time MLA Aaditya himself had over the party. (An interesting factoid is that in 2019 Aditya was the first Thackeray to contest polls and his father the first Thackeray to sit on the CMs chair. Usually Bal Thackeray preferred to appoint a nominee as CM and run the state by remote control from Matoshree.) Whatever the reasons, if the government topples, it would set the Sena back on the path of regressive, chest thumping hardline politics and that would be a tragedy. But that’s another column.

To come back to the topic of unnatural alliances, the first sign of rebellion from Shinde and his men was regarding the MLC elections when they were not happy with the party dictat to support a Congress candidate. The hold of the NCP over governance and powerful ministerial portfolios was another grouse. In the end, it was not so much about ideology about power. But then, that’s how it always is.

Take a look at the Mahagathbandan in Bihar, where again, two political foes—Lalu Yadav’s RJD and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U)—came together on one platform. That did not last long with Nitish soon finding his way back to the BJP. Or even the not so unnatual alliance between two UP Ke Ladke that had Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi contesting from the same platform in the 2017 state assembly polls. When one side did not pull its weight in the ballot boxes that alliance broke with the two taking pot shots at each other. Ditto for the alliance between the SP and Mayawati’s BSP in the 2019 Lok Sabha where the cadres on ground found it difficult to canvass for a party they had spent a lifetime taking pot shots at.

This brings us to the larger issue at play—while on paper, it is all very well for strategists like Prashant Kishor to talk about bringing the entire opposition on one platform to take on the BJP in the Lok Sahba polls, the reality on ground is very different where the Congress and various regional parties are fighting each other at the state level. Bringing diverse parties and egos on one platform post polls is also not easy as Dr Manmohan Singh found out when he tried to run a coalition with both Mamata and the CPM. Which brings another twist in the BJP vs The Rest version of the Game of Thrones, and again, as with most political turns these days, it’s one that works in Modi’s favour.

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‘Bad Bank’ must succeed to have good banks

Non-performing assets have been beleaguering the banking sector in India for a long time, but have worsened lately. Designed policies often fail to deliver desired results due to implementation challenges. In this case, time is of the essence and delays could be detrimental.



‘Exact predictions of policy outcomes are routine. Expressions of uncertainty are rare. Predictions and estimates often are fragile, resting on unsupported assumptions. So the expressed certitude is incredible,” states Charles F. Manski, an eminent economist, renowned for his work on judgement and decisions, and policy analysis in an uncertain world.

The quote could guide the progress of the recently established National Asset Reconstruction Company Limited (NARCL) dubbed as “Bad Bank“. It is a potent mechanism for tackling the mounting Non-Performing Assets (NPAs) of commercial banks. Taking them off their balance sheets may help them fulfil regulatory compliance and also enhance their lending capacity. But to serve the purpose, it must act with speed.

Announced in September 2021, NARCL is to take the big-ticket defaults of the commercial banks off their balance sheet, identified to be worth Rs 2 lakh crore. As per plans, 38 NPA accounts worth Rs 82,845 crore were expected to be transferred to the NARCL in the first phase out of which 15 accounts worth Rs 50,000 crore were to be transferred by the end of the fiscal year 2022.

NARCL is supposed to acquire these assets by paying 15% in cash and 85% in tradable Security Receipts (SRs), and redeemable on the resolution of the distressed assets. The government guarantee is expected to provide liquidity to SRs and can be invoked to make up for the shortfall in case of resale failure or sales at a discount of those assets by the bad bank. The target could not be achieved due to procedural delays and the deadline stands extended to July 2022.

Designed policies often fail to deliver desired results due to the implementation challenges. In this case, time is of the essence and delays could be detrimental. NPAs have been beleaguering the banking sector in India for a long time, but have worsened lately. Gross NPAs of the Scheduled Commercial Banks (SCBs) have steadily increased from Rs 59,373 crore in 2005 to Rs 2.63 lakh crore in 2014 and further to Rs 8.35 lakh crore in 2021. In between, they had peaked at Rs 10.36 lakh crore as of March 2018. Gross NPAs of the Public Sector Banks (PSBs) have been no exception, as they too jumped up from Rs 47,621 crore to Rs 2.27 lakh crore and Rs 6.17 lakh crore during the corresponding period.

The pandemic has further exacerbated the situation. The RBI’s financial stability report estimates that the gross NPA ratio might rise from 6.9% in September 2021 to 8.1% in the best-case scenario. In the worst case, they could rise to 9.5% by September 2022. The recent hikes in repo rate by 40 and 50 basis points to restrain the deteriorating inflation outlook is expected to make repayment of the loans more difficult putting further stress on NPAs in the coming months.

Bad Banks have been tested in an assortment of countries with variable success. Assets Reconstruction Companies (ARCs) have been generally successful where NPAs were caused due to delay and default on account of real estate lending, presumably because the mortgage assets for such lending are easier to identify, evaluate and sell. Will it work in case of the big-ticket bad loans each worth Rs 500 crore or more, particularly when they are accumulated over time due to the bad lending decision for unviable projects or restructuring of previous loans or where money could have been siphoned off?

Design-wise, the NARCL is structured well with built-in checks and balances. The PSBs being a 51% equity stakeholders in it will have a vested interest in the speedy resolution of bad debts acquired by NARCL. The government guarantee for the Security Receipt (SRs) issued by it against the bad debt of banks gives it grit.

Though the extent of the guarantee is stated to be Rs 30,600 crore, the actual outflow is expected to be much less as it is to be restricted to the shortfall between the face value of the SRs and the actual realisation by way of resolution or liquidation. The liability could be further contained by the provision that it could be invoked only if the resolution and realisation of the toxic assets happen within 5 years.

Additionally, to discourage the resolution of assets from being prolonged, NARCL would be required to pay to the banks a guarantee fee of 0.25% of the outstanding amount, from the second year onward, which would increase to 0.5%, 1% and 2% in the third, fourth and fifth year. Besides, the NPAs identified to be acquired in the first phase are fully provisioned as per the prudential norms.

The success of the Bad Bank idea could hinge on two factors: Firstly, the objectivity and transparency in the valuation of NPAs and their fair resolution; and secondly, the expertise of the debt resolution company. As far as the valuation and resolution of NPAs are concerned, these have been lying in the books of the banks for years, despite their best efforts to realise them, but in vain. Most would be compelled to sell their toxic assets at discount ranging between 40-70% of the book value minus accumulated interest.

As regards expertise, India should not have a dearth of knowledge and as regards experience, Indians are known to have a steep learning curve. The real challenge would, however, be to find the buyers of the bad debt. All the more critically, will the market have the appetite for such Assets? Protecting the process from the vested interests, who often use their acumen to circumvent the prescribed procedure for personal profit is all the more difficult to gauge and forestall.

A study by the Bank of International Settlements in 2020 highlighted that bad banks work best if supported by a recapitalisation. It further pointed out that a capable, effective and robust regulatory system is a sine qua non for the desired results. It was a good sign that the Union budget 2021-22 had provided Rs 20,000 crores for recapitalisation of PSBs, though the amount was reduced to Rs 15,000 crore in the revised estimate. Sadly, no fresh provision has been made for capital infusion into PSBs in the 2022-23 budget. However, many experts regard the government guarantee for SRs as an indirect form of recapitalisation. Still, given the magnitude of NPAs, the provision may seem scanty.

The banking sector is the backbone of a robust economy. A large number of small savers and risk-averse investors trust banks with their hard-earned savings in the hope that their deposits would be safe and earn a positive real return. This can be possible only if banks are able to lend in productive investments that are realisable in time as per the loan arrangements. NPAs bleed banks, impinge on their profitability and efficiency and shake the confidence of crores of savers and investors. The Bad Bank must succeed in letter and spirit.

Furqan Qamar, a Professor in the Faculty of Management Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, is a former Advisor (Education) in the Planning Commission of India. Taufeeque Ahmad Siddiqui is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Management Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia.

Bad Banks have been tested in an assortment of countries with variable success. Assets Reconstruction Companies (ARCs) have been generally successful where NPAs were caused due to delay and default on account of real estate lending, presumably because the mortgage assets for such lending are easier to identify, evaluate and sell. Will it work in case of the big-ticket bad loans each worth Rs 500 crore or more, particularly when they are accumulated over time due to the bad lending decision for unviable projects or restructuring of previous loans or where money could have been siphoned off?

Reserve Bank of India Governor Shaktikanta Das announces to increase the policy repo rate by 50 basic points, in New Delhi on 8 June 2022. The RBI’s financial stability report estimates that the gross NPA ratio might rise from 6.9% in September 2021 to 8.1% in the best-case scenario. In the worst case, they could rise to 9.5% by September 2022. ANI

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Joyeeta Basu



At the core of the Maharashtra crisis is the dynasty problem, where the not-so-competent son of an illustrious leader is trying to secure his own son’s future on the advice of his “kitchen cabinet”. Word has it that the reason Uddhav Thackeray became Chief Minister of Maharashtra was because of Maha Vikas Aghadi partners’ refusal to have a young Aaditya Thackeray as Chief Minister, and that Uddhav Thackeray became Chief Minister because he was more acceptable than his son to his MVA allies, even though he had zero administrative experience and had not fought an election in his life. Even if this is dismissed as political gossip at best, the fact is, it was Uddhav’s personal ambition and his desire to secure his son’s future that made him take the turn that he did—of joining hands with the enemy. BJP’s ascendance in Maharashtra was a major problem, as the Sena resented being the junior partner and the nearly three-decade-old alliance fell apart on the matter of Shiv Sena wanting the Chief Minister’s post despite having around 50% seats fewer than the BJP. However, Uddhav’s track record as Chief Minister has been less than illustrious, with charges rampant of him going the Congress-NCP way by abandoning the Sena’s “Hindutva” ideology, and seeking more validation from social media and a certain class of “left-liberals” than being effective on the ground. There was also report of Aaditya Thackeray acting as the de facto Chief Minister much of the time. Whatever be the reason or reasons for the turmoil in Sena, the fact is, among the rank and file of the party, there is immense unhappiness with the party’s top leadership. It would be lazy to blame the current impasse on money power. Lure of money cannot explain the exodus; the Sena is fracturing, in Shinde’s favour, right down to the grassroots. The letter of Aurangabad MLA, Sanjay Shirsat to Uddhav, where he accuses the latter of being inaccessible, is quite an eyeopener. Apparently, most Sena MLAs did not get to enter the Chief Minister’s Office or even the Mantralaya, the state secretariat, even once in the last two and a half years. There was no communication, as Thackeray had surrounded himself with a handful of people without grassroots presence. When Congress and NCP leaders have access to the CM and get funds cleared, Sena MLAs do not have any such luck and it is only Shinde who has been with them. Even if some of these allegations are true, it’s appalling and reminds one of the Congress situation, where leaders such as Himanta Biswa Sarma and others quit the party accusing Rahul Gandhi of inaccessibility, of not listening to the ground. In Congress too the problem is the dynasty, it’s just that the Congress manages the rumblings in its ranks better than the Sena.

Think of people like Akhilesh Yadav and Jayant Chaudhry, their family name is not helping them win elections. Jayant Chaudhry came a cropper in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections earlier this year. And even though Akhilesh managed to cross 100 seats in a 403-member Assembly, on Sunday, he ended up gifting his own erstwhile Lok Sabha seat, Azamgarh—apparently a Yadav family bastion—to the BJP. His cousin Dharmendra Yadav lost to the BJP’s Nirahua, in a huge setback for Akhilesh. What our dynasts do not realise is that voter loyalty to a particular family is a thing of the past. Unless there is performance, unless there is inspiring leadership, delivery on the ground, there is no loyalty—and that is the way it should be. Just being a Thackeray or a Yadav should not be a guarantee to success. The template has changed. It’s the age of perform or perish. It’s the age of cracking the glass ceiling. And for the non-dynasts in political parties, capable of leading from the front, the dynasts are the glass ceiling.

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Sorry is the least Modi baiters need to say now

Narendra Modi never condoned riots. But he was not ready to oblige the media by taking the blame for the riots. He always said if he was guilty he should be punished. ‘Hang me if I am guilty’, was his challenge. He knew for sure that he was right and tried his best to save the situation.



The Supreme Court verdict on 24 June was a moment of vindication and triumph for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and all those who believed in him. After being vilified by critics and opponents for a crime he had not committed, the minimum that Modi deserves after 20 years of pain is a common statement signed by all those who targeted him saying: “We Are Sorry”.

The Supreme Court verdict has clarified that there is nothing left to be discussed. The narrative created by anti-Modi forces was based on fiction and was “politically motivated”. The court gave all the avenues and platforms to them to prove their case, but they failed. Facts stood against insinuations, logic against assumptions and scientific evidence against lies. The doomsayers stand exposed crestfallen and completely maligned. Their narrative has fallen “like a pack of cards” when confronted with reality.

The Supreme Court rejected the appeal against the clean chit given by the SIT to Gujarat administration and then chief minister of Gujarat and final acceptance of the closure report by the Metropolitan Magistrate (2103) and the Gujarat High Court (2017). The Court pointed out that the proceedings were pursued for 16 years, and several applications were filed to “keep the pot boiling, for ulterior design”.

“The argument of the appellant was bordering on undermining the integrity and sincerity of the members of the SIT,” the court observed while pointing out that the SIT was set up specifically by the Supreme Court. The court noted that no new findings had come up and the submissions by Jafri were “far-fetched and an attempt to undo and undermine the integrity of the SIT”.

The issue of the anti-Modi camp, often subsumed in the garb of elites of Lutyens’ Delhi, was not riots. Much worse riots had taken place in Gujarat during the Congress regime as for example in 1969. The broad daylight killing of Sikhs in Delhi by Congress goons after assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984 is known to one and all. Compared to the Gujarat riots, the killing of Sikhs was pogrom.

The problem was that they were looking for a villain and wanted to nail someone for the riots. They tried their best to create a narrative to bring down Narendra Modi from the post of the chief minister of Gujarat. They took affront that the man was standing tall and trying to give solution, rather than going to Delhi to save his post. Lutyen’s media have always prided that they are the ones who make or mar governments in Delhi. They had completely failed in the case of Modi.

Nobody denied that riots had taken place in Gujarat in February-March 2002. Nobody denied that both Hindus and Muslims were killed in the riots. This is also true that the riots were an offshoot of the burning of 59 Kar Sevaks in Coach S6 of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express that was returning from Ayodhya. Large mass of people had gathered at Signal Fadia at Godhra and identified and targeted Ram Sewaks and burnt the S6 coach. Even women and children were not allowed to come out of the train by the blood thirsty mob. This happened on 27 February 2002. The next day angry mobs sought to avenge the killings. Police tried to stop rioters, but in most cases here were outnumbered. Record said that more than 200 people were killed in police firing.

One more insinuation was why the dead bodies of those charred to death in S6 coach was taken to Ahmedabad. The Modi-baiters alleged that this was done deliberately to instigate people. The SIT has accepted the government’s contention that the decision to take the bodies to Ahmedabad was unanimous. When a meeting took place on the issue at Godhra, none of the officials suggested any other way and they all suggested ways to facilitate transportation of the dead bodies. There were two considerations: one that the relatives of the deceased would find it tough to come to Godhra and identity the victims; and two, the small town of Godhra had no facility to conduct autopsy on so many bodies.

Narendra Modi never condoned riots. But he was not ready to oblige the media by taking the blame for the riots. He always said if he was guilty he should be punished. “Hang me if I am guilty”, was his challenge. He knew for sure that he was right and tried his best to save the situation. He called for the army within 24 hours which was a record in the country for any riot situation.

The hostile media started digging stories to create a narrative that there was a larger conspiracy at the top (meaning at the level of the chief minister) to allow Hindus to vent their anger on Muslims. The Special Investigation Team (SIT), looking into specific cases during riots, was asked to look into “allegation of larger criminal conspiracy at the highest level resulting in mass violence across the state during the relevant period.”

It was alleged that the chief minister, while chairing an emergency meeting to review the security situation after the Godhra incident on 27 February, had instructed senior officials to allow Hindus to vent their anger. This allegation stood on the testimony of minister of state for revenue Haren Pandya, former ADGP Intelligence R.B. Sreekumar and the DCI Security Sanjiv Bhat. The SIT found out that all the officials present at the meeting denied the presence of Bhat at the meeting. This was not proven even by his phone records. About Sreekumar, the SIT said that he was “a disgruntled officer and his testimony was not reliable”. On Pandya, the SIT observed that the phone record of Pandya did not establish that he was present at the said meeting. It was the chief minister’s meeting with top officials and even cabinet ministers were not present at the meeting.

The Supreme Court it its judgment held: “We find force in the argument of the respondent-State that the testimony of Mr Sanjiv Bhatt, Mr Haren Pandya and also of Mr R.B. Sreekumar was only to sensationalize and politicize the matters in issue, although, replete with falsehood. For, persons not privy to the stated meeting, where utterance were allegedly made by the then Chief Minister, falsely claimed themselves to be eye-witnesses and after thorough investigation by the SIT, it has become clear that their claim of being present in the meeting was itself false to their knowledge. On such false claim, the structure of larger criminal conspiracy at the highest level has been erected. The same stands collapsed like a house of cards, aftermath thorough investigation by the SIT […]”

Giving a clean chit to the Gujarat administration and the investigation conducted by the SIT, the bench noted that there was “no material worth the name to even create a suspicion” of criminal conspiracy. The Supreme Court further endorsed the SIT for collecting materials that indicated the hard work and planning of State functionaries to control the spontaneous evolving situation of mass violence across the State of Gujarat. It noted that the police force was inadequate and the State replenished this with Central Forces/Army, which were called without loss of time. It also noted the SIT’s observation that the then Chief Minister publicly made repeated appeals to maintain peace.

This nails the narrative that the state authorities did not act in time. The fact that the army was called within 24 hours and the country’s then Defence Minister George Fernandes was in Gandhinagar to take care of any eventualities. The state police was grossly outnumbered when mob of 5000-1000 or even more were on the rampage. The state tried to get police force from adjoining Congress-ruled states, but that was not coming. The army was in Gandhinagar on the evening of 28 February 2002.

The third basis for creating the narrative was a report in Times of India that had quoted the chief minister on the action reaction theory. The fact is that the newspaper had not even spoken to the chief minister and had tried to pick up threads from the interview Modi gave to Zee News television channel anchor Sudhir Chaudhary. The story published by Times of India was denied, but it appeared in a non-descript way in a remote corner of the same newspaper.

The Supreme Court has noted Chaudhary’s statement that Modi had rejected violence and did not justify the action-reaction theory. Modi had said that violence cannot be a reply to violence, Modi had said in the interview. The reporter’s attempt to sensationalize could not be taken as a proof of endorsement or complicity by the chief minister. Modi never justified violence.

After the verdict, it appears that a section of intelligentsia, including media, was in cahoots with the Congress and the Left and against the nationalist ideology represented by the RSS and the Bharatiya Janata Party that prides of cultural nationalism. They have been the biggest beneficiaries of the government and its system. They had complete monopoly on the country’s narrative whether history or it understanding. The rise of the nationalist forces so strongly would mean a challenge to their narrative.

Modi as an RSS pracharak who joined the BJP had the potential to do extremely well. He had shown his mettle during earthquake rehabilitation in Gujarat even when he was the general secretary of the partyb. As Chief Minister he evolved a model of good governance in the State that could do any chief minister proud.

Sonia Gandhi and her United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government tried their best to fix Modi and Amit Shah raking up Gujarat every now and then. Agencies were let loose,, but they could not do anything. The oppose Modi camp knew, unless they were defamed, nothing could prevent Modi from coming to power at the Centre. The pliant media played handmaiden.

All these could not prevent Modi from becoming the Prime Minister, but they kept on with their smear Modi campaign. Modi kept winning elections one after the other. People of the country never trusted the smear campaign. But the anti-Modi camp had a far greater design; keep defaming him so that he does not become an indisputable world leader.

The issue of the anti-Modi camp, often subsumed in the garb of elites of Lutyens’ Delhi, was not riots. Much worse riots had taken place in Gujarat during the Congress regime as for example in 1969. The broad daylight killing of Sikhs in Delhi by Congress goons after assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984 is known to one and all. Compared to the Gujarat riots, the killing of Sikhs was pogrom. The problem was that they were looking for a villain and wanted to nail someone for the riots. They tried their best to create a narrative to bring down Narendra Modi from the post of the Chief Minister of Gujarat. They took affront that the man was standing tall and trying to give solution, rather than going to Delhi to save his post.

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Importance of Essay Writing for Students



Every student is required to write essays in high school or college. It is the most frequent type of assignment for homework. What’s the reason why tutors are so enthusiastic about this type of assignment? There are many motives. Essay writing is a method to test students’ analytical, research, and persuasive abilities, which are essential to adulthood. Keep reading for those who wish to try their hand at writing and get the answer to, “what is the purpose of writing? “Why are writing skills that are well-developed essential?”

1. Develops the writing abilities

It’s an excellent way to improve your writing skills. Make sure to study as much as you can to enhance your writing abilities and quickly write top-quality essays. It can assist you in achieving better marks in college and allow you to write an engaging and well-thought-out essay with ease.

2. Thinking on your own

It’s easy for you to spot an educated person from the very beginning of their essay. If you’re trying to look professional and establish your name, having the ability to write an excellent essay is crucial. Learn how to write essays of high quality which demonstrate that you’re professional and proficient in your future career opportunities.

3. Gains research skills

It’s hard to get an A+ grade without doing an extensive amount of research. In the current technological age, research skills are essential. There are plenty of sources available on the Internet. Pick up your phone, type in your question, and receive an answer within a matter of minutes. But, not all articles or articles online on WEB are reliable. Writing essays will help you find accurate information, then analyze it, and confirm it.

4. Increase your knowledge in different niches

When doing research, we always come across something that is new. In writing papers on different themes, students go through many sources and gather numerous data. So, they find something new that they did not know before.

5. Job opportunities

Do you want to get the best and most lucrative job upon your graduation? If so, do not put off writing your essay. Everybody knows that you need to send your resume and application letter in order to be considered for a position. A professionally designed CV will showcase your abilities and capabilities as an educated person.

Professional cover letters are a great way to impress your prospective employer to highlight your skills and abilities as a professional.

6. Writing skills are essential to advance

Do you want to remain in the same place throughout your life? The answer is obviously no. If you’re hoping to be granted an increment in rank, you must prove that you’re well-educated and knowledgeable.

Imagine that you have to write an email to your boss or prepare your annual reports, or even present. If your email, document, or slideshow has common mistakes in spelling, grammar, or grammar mistakes, It’s unlikely you’ll get promoted.

Always make sure to check your writing using the online writing program. Also, ensure that you read your essay thoroughly. If your documents and emails are top-quality, then you’ll be an ideal candidate to be promoted. Studycrumb is a perfect service to make sure that your writing is more than excellent!

7. Critical thinking skills

What are the motives behind why writing is essential in today’s world? Writing essays isn’t only a way to exercise your brain. That requires you to study various sources and write down your thoughts. Writing essays for your college is an opportunity to reflect and evaluate the data you’ve gathered. It is vital to take deep into the subject in order to collect data and ensure that you don’t miss any meaningful details.

8. Learn how to share ideas

Students are expected to share their personal opinions. If you’re looking to learn how to express your opinion, essay writing is among the most effective ways to learn the art of communicating using ideas.

Essay writing can help in learning to engage readers using phrases that transition and provide a continuous flow of information and thoughts.

9. Improves persuasive abilities

Certain people might not appreciate your ideas, even though they’re fantastic. To help students improve their ability to convince, teachers frequently offer persuasive essays. This type of essay requires students to convince readers by providing evidence-based arguments and facts.

Many students struggle with writing essays and need help. In this case, they can visit websites that allow them to create assignments online to receive top-quality essay writing by professionals.

10. It is helpful to create interesting posts and articles.

Do you want your blog’s posts to attract a huge number of people? Learn how to create captivating pieces of writing while creating college essays. When writing college essays, Learn to write books that make readers want to read more about the blog and make use of statistics and citations to grab the attention of readers.

11. Improves communication skills

Humans are social creatures. This implies that we’ve participated in a collective from the beginning. If you want to be successful in your local community, you should have strong communication skills. One of the best ways to develop your writing skills is to practice writing essays. Writing for academic reasons requires students to share their thoughts and interact with readers with only words.

In short, you need to be able to dive deep into the subject you’ve chosen and study the subject thoroughly. Then, you must share your thoughts and back up the argument using factual data. Be aware that you must write a piece that has errors in grammar and spelling for the chance to get an A for your writing. Studycrumb is a perfect service to make sure that your writing is more than excellent!

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Pankaj Vohra



Former IPS officer and Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) leader, Simranjit Singh Mann wrested the Sangrur Lok Sabha seat from the Aam Aadmi Party thus paving the way for his entry into Parliament for the third time. The Sangrur constituency was represented earlier by Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann, who won from there both in 2014 and 2019. In fact, the loss so soon after the AAP’s massive Assembly victory indicates that there is disillusionment that has set in the State over the style of functioning of the government. S.S. Mann’s victory is being attributed to the perception that the AAP dispensation in the state was being remote controlled from Delhi and the Chief Minister was a mere puppet who had little time for governance but was busy with the campaigning both in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat. Therefore, it would be very essential for AAP to correct this perception which would go against them in the long run. Punjab has always been a unique province and does not like interference from any quarter. The impression that the government was spending more on publicity rather on core issues is another factor that has contributed to the outcome. Simranjit Singh Mann, who is a maverick politician exploited the sentiments which have emerged in the rural belt over the deaths of both Sidhu Moosewala and Deep Sidhu. He also contested the polls on the plank of getting Sikh prisoners who have been overstaying in jails released. His victory can further be interpreted as the assertion of the Panthic agenda though the Shiromani Akali Dal owing allegiance to the Badals also took up the same issues but this time polled lesser votes than even the BJP candidate, Kewal Singh Dhillon. Simranjit Singh Mann had won his maiden election from Tarn Taran in 1989 after he had been jailed for being a sympathizer of the Khalistan movement and had gone underground after Operation Blue Star and other events of 1984. Simla born Mann is the son of former Punjab Speaker Joginder Singh Mann and is married to Captain Amarinder Singh’s sister-in-law, Geetinder Kaur. An avid follower of western classical music, Simranjit Singh Mann had refused to take oath as the Lok Sabha member in 1989 after being disallowed to go with a sword inside the Parliament house premises. He had won the second time from Sangrur in 1999. Political observers of Punjab were also hoping that his victory would be viewed merely as the rejection of the AAP model of governance and not as the re-emergence of radical politics. The selection of candidates for the seven Rajya Sabha seats in the State has also gone against the AAP and therefore corrective measures to re-set the agenda for the region shall also have to be taken by Bhagwant Mann and Arvind Kejriwal. Punjab is a border state and its politics has huge ramifications in other parts of the country as well. The outcome has several lessons for the Akalis (Badal), the Congress and the BJP besides AAP. In Sangrur it is not just one Mann replacing another Mann but the narrative appears to be changing.  

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