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Mind your language in national interest

One of the salient features of the NEP 2020 is its emphasis on Indian languages. If its recommendations for teaching young learners in their mother tongue along with imparting knowledge of regional Indian languages are followed well, it has the potential to strengthen the spirit of ‘unity in diversity’ for the generations to come.

Niranjan Kumar



The new National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, prepared under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s mentorship and the guidance of Education Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal ‘Nishank’, is a charter with a historic vision. It has far-reaching national and international ramifications, particularly for the future of Indian education, and for building an Aatmanirbhar Bharat or self-reliant India. Whether it is for employment or social justice, research and development, or the development of Indian languages, the recommendations of the NEP 2020 are highly progressive in nature. It contains many important features pertaining to the development of Indian languages, however, some need to be reconsidered in larger national interest.

Emphasis on Indian languages is a major feature of the NEP. The foundational ‘Principles of this Policy’ mentioned in the introduction of the NEP includes «promoting multilingualism and the power of language in teaching and learning». In view of this principle, emphasis has been laid on the ‹Teaching of Indian languages› as well as ‹Teaching in Indian languages› from school to higher levels. An important recommendation in this context is that schooling up to at least the fifth grade will be done in one’s mother tongue or local/regional language. This can be extended further till the eighth grade. This significant incorporation in the NEP 2020 is in line with educational psychology’s research and the 2008 UNESCO report, both of which underscore that learning in one’s mother tongue is easy since communication and cognition happen easily and quickly. The child understands in the mother tongue or the local language, whereas in other languages, he crams.

It is not without reason that in developed countries, schooling is done in the mother tongue or local language. In fact, even higher education is imparted, usually, in the language of that country. Keeping in mind this significance of ‘desi’ (native) languages as the medium of education as well as the lingual proficiency status of the common people, the NEP also advocates for higher education in Indian languages. The policy says that all Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) would “develop more degree courses taught in Indian languages and bilingually”.

In a welcome move, regarding the implementation of these provisions, it has been announced recently after a meeting chaired by the Education Minister that some of the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and National Institutes of Technology (NITs) will start offering engineering courses in mother tongues from the 2021-22 academic session. The Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) is also likely to offer non-technical courses in regional languages soon. In addition to this, as per the spirit of the NEP, it has been announced that the IIT-JEE Main examination would be conducted in nine regional languages in 2021, besides Hindi and English.

Apart from this, “to make high-quality learning materials and other important written and spoken material in various Indian languages, an Indian Institute of Translation and Interpretation (IITI) will be established”. It’s good to know that a committee has already been formed by the government to implement this provision. In addition to this, to boost the languages (along with the literature, art and culture associated with them) mentioned in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India, ‘academies’ will be established. Besides this, special efforts will be directed to preserve and promote tribal and endangered languages with the help of technology. These efforts most certainly will prove to be milestones in the strengthening of Indian languages and culture.

The three language formula (TLF), emphasizing Indian languages and multilingualism, is another great feature of the NEP 2020. The proposed TLF, with greater flexibility, is slightly different from the preceding TLF. In NEP 1986, TLF provided for the study of an Indian language, preferably one of the Southern languages, apart from Hindi and English, in the Hindi-speaking states (HSS), and of the regional languages along with Hindi and English in the non-Hindi-speaking states (NHSS). In view of the controversies due to the vested interests in states like Tamil Nadu, TLF in NEP 2020 was made a bit flexible by proposing that two Indian languages will be taught. No specific language was mentioned for it. In practical terms, what will happen is that in most of the NHSS, along with English and the principal regional language of that state, there will be another Indian language (third language), barring a few exceptions. It would most likely be Hindi, considering the national importance of Hindi from the points of view of trade, employment and its country-wide utility. On the other hand, besides Hindi and English, Sanskrit will be taught as another Indian language (third language) in HSS, as has been usual so far.

This situation, however, is not satisfactory in terms of national integration, as the students of HSS will never move to learn other modern Indian languages. Tamil Nadu and other NHSS will continue to hold the grudge that HSS people don’t learn NHSS’s languages, which is not a good situation for national unity and integrity. It is my firm belief that under TLF, both Indian languages must be «modern Indian languages», other than Sanskrit. The HSS must adopt one of the languages of any other NHSS, instead of Sanskrit as the third language in TLF. It must be reiterated that in the NEP 1968 or NEP 1986, when TLF was accepted, the spirit behind it was that the children of the HSS will study a regional language as the third language, preferably a South Indian language. One of the reasons in the past for not considering the option of regional languages as the third language in HSS was probably the non-availability of teachers for these languages. But in the current era of technology, the solution to this problem has become quite easy, especially through the new system of online learning where teaching these languages won’t be difficult. The Ministry of Education’s website, ‹SWAYAM›, and the television channel ‹Swayam Prabha› can also be utilised in this regard.  Even the NEP talks of the “extensive use of technology in teaching and learning, removing language barriers” in its basic principles. With this one modification in TLF, not only will young learners of our HSS get an opportunity to learn the language and culture of other states of the country, but it will also strengthen a sense of national unity and integrity. At the same time, this will also address the fear of the NHSS that their languages will disappear and the dominance of Hindi will be established. Besides this, narrow-minded politicians will also not get a chance to provoke any language-based politics.

As far as Sanskrit is concerned, not even an iota of doubt should be there that the knowledge of Sanskrit is necessary. It is required not only to understand the rich and glorious ancient Indian culture and society, but Sanskrit also has an important status as the link language connecting most of the Indian languages from north to south. It’s a welcome move that in chapter four of the NEP 2020, it is mentioned that Sanskrit and classical languages will be taught in schools for at least 2 years starting from Class VI. It’s also heartening that Sanskrit has been emphasised in higher education as well. In fact, considering the importance of Sanskrit, its study will be linked to other contemporary and relevant subjects such as mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, linguistics, medicine, architecture, metallurgy, drama, etc. In line with this point of the NEP, the Sanskrit University will move, rightly, towards becoming a large multi-disciplinary institution of higher education.

Another vital point of reconsideration in the NEP 2020 is related to the study of foreign languages.  The NEP states that foreign languages will also be offered to students “to enrich their global knowledge and mobility according to their own interests and aspirations, at secondary level”. It would be better, however, if imparting of these foreign languages is done at the Bachelor’s level or Senior Secondary level, when one starts making up one’s mind about their career, rather than at the Secondary standard, as, in junior classes, a child doesn’t understand which foreign language s/he should study or how s/he can use it in the future. Moreover, on account of the lack of a lingual environment and use in daily life, children mostly forget these foreign languages.

Another concern with regard to foreign languages, besides this, is the non-inclusion of the Chinese language ‘Mandarin’ in the foreign languages mentioned in Para 4.20 of the NEP. This must be known that in the NEP draft of 2019, the Chinese language was categorically mentioned along with other foreign languages. Dropping the Chinese language from the NEP 2020 list is probably a response to China›s hostile behaviour in Ladakh this year. Keeping in mind the honour and pride of the nation, prima facie, it seems justified emotionally, because just like Chinese goods, the Chinese language must also be boycotted. But in national interest, we must remember here what the Chinese strategist Sun Tzu said: “Keep your friends close, and your enemies even closer”, that is, to deal with and win over the enemy, we must have every detail concerning it, i.e., a good understanding of its society, culture and collective psyche, for which the knowledge of its language is crucial. It is also requisite to note that in the US two decades ago, when terrorists attacked the country in September 2001 and dread started engulfing the world, Arabic language studies suddenly began to be emphasised in almost all American universities. To deal with China, taking a cue from the US, we must have a good knowledge of its language and culture. It is thus necessary that the linguistic policy makers think about this sooner than later.

As NEP 2020 has started rolling out, the above-mentioned suggestions with regard to languages must be considered in national interest.

The writer is a Professor in the Department of Hindi, University of Delhi and has taught earlier in various US universities. The views expressed are personal.

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What is SSC CPO Exam?



The Staff Selection Commission conducts a national-level SSC CPO exam for the aspirants to recruit in Central Police Organisations(Delhi). SSC CPO is an excellent chance for aspiring candidates to join paramilitary forces like CRPF, BSF, CISF, ITBP, and SSB as Sub-Inspectors and ASI (Executive) in CISF. 

Thus, the aspirant should gather proper information concerning the eligibility criteria, and syllabus, before appearing for the SSC CPO 2022 exam. From this article, Candidates will get information regarding the levels of eligibility criteria such as nationality, age limit, and the SSC CPO syllabus.

SSC CPO Syllabus

The syllabus for the SSC CPO exam is specified by the recruiting board on the official website in PDF format. The SSC CPO Syllabus gets updated once every year which is released by the authority for the candidates.  

Candidates must know the SSC CPO syllabus which will help them to put effort into important topics to get ready for the exam. SSC CPO syllabus will give the outlook of difficult topics related to the exam for which candidates can make a preparation strategy for better results. The SSC CPO exam deals with two paper, the syllabus for each paper are stated below-

●  SSC CPO Syllabus Paper 1: Subjects are English, General Awareness, Reasoning, Maths

●   For SSC CPO Syllabus Paper 2: Only English Language.

As the SSC CPO 2022 notification will be held in August 2022, the syllabus is not yet released by the commission. Students can also refer to BYJU’s Exam Prep for more details and assistance. SSC CPO exam is organised in three stages, namely –

●     Paper 1

●     Paper 2

● Physical Efficiency Test (PET)

Candidates are required to clear these stages to get appointed as SI and ASI posts in SSC CPO. 

The above-mentioned SSC CPO syllabus is necessary to study by the candidates for the upcoming exam. Candidates must keep on checking the official website for theupdated syllabus of the SSC CPO exam 2022.

Eligibility Criteria of SSC CPO

Candidates who are willing to attempt the SSC CPO exam must satisfy the eligibility criteria provided by the Staff Selection Commission (SSC). Candidates who fail to fulfil the given eligibility criteria of any level will be disqualified for the SSC CPO exam.

Nationality Criteria for SSC CPO

Nationality is the foremost eligibility criterion among all the criteria that every candidate must know. The candidate who possesses the nationality criteria is allowed to apply for SSC CPO Exam. The condition of nationality criteria are –

  • The candidate must be a citizen of India, Nepal or Bhutan.
  • A candidate who has their Eligibility Certificate issued by the Indian Government. 

SSC CPO Age Limit

The age limit of the candidates is another criterion of SSC CPO along with the relaxation.

●    Candidates who were born between 1st January,1996 to 1st January 2001 can apply for the SSC CPO exam.

● Candidates must be of age between 20 to 25 years.

The details of age relaxation for a certain reserved category with posts- wise are listed below-

●   For SC/ST category- The age relaxation limit is 5 years.

●   For the OBC category- The age relaxation limit is 3 years.

● For Ex-Servicemen (ESM) category – The age relaxation is 3 years. 

Here, we have discussed the eligibility criteria and syllabus for the SSC CPO exam which will benefit the candidates for preparation. Candidates can indulge in these posts to understand the SSC CPO syllabus and eligibility criteria before attending the exam.

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Priya Sahgal



As Maharashtra’s Maha Vikas Aghadi government goes from crisis to ICU mode, there is a larger lesson here on coalition politics. At the very outset, the alliance was termed as an unnatural one that saw ideologically opposite parties like the Congress-NCP join hands with the radical right wing Shiv Sena. For the coalition to tango, one side had to give in and interestingly it was the Sena that took most of the backward steps. It compromised on its hardcore Hindutva ideology, toned down its rhetoric and tried an image makeover under the aegis of Uddhav Thackeray and his heir apparent Aaditya Thackeray. The politics of both Uddhav and Aaditya were progressive, they talked new age concerns like environment and sent the right feelers on governance from the financial capital of the country. The one mistake they made perhaps was not to involve all the stakeholders, it is now clear by Eknath Shinde’s comments that they felt left out of the governance pie and also resented the hold that individuals like Sanjay Raut, Sharad Pawar and even a first time MLA Aaditya himself had over the party. (An interesting factoid is that in 2019 Aditya was the first Thackeray to contest polls and his father the first Thackeray to sit on the CMs chair. Usually Bal Thackeray preferred to appoint a nominee as CM and run the state by remote control from Matoshree.) Whatever the reasons, if the government topples, it would set the Sena back on the path of regressive, chest thumping hardline politics and that would be a tragedy. But that’s another column.

To come back to the topic of unnatural alliances, the first sign of rebellion from Shinde and his men was regarding the MLC elections when they were not happy with the party dictat to support a Congress candidate. The hold of the NCP over governance and powerful ministerial portfolios was another grouse. In the end, it was not so much about ideology about power. But then, that’s how it always is.

Take a look at the Mahagathbandan in Bihar, where again, two political foes—Lalu Yadav’s RJD and Nitish Kumar’s JD(U)—came together on one platform. That did not last long with Nitish soon finding his way back to the BJP. Or even the not so unnatual alliance between two UP Ke Ladke that had Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi contesting from the same platform in the 2017 state assembly polls. When one side did not pull its weight in the ballot boxes that alliance broke with the two taking pot shots at each other. Ditto for the alliance between the SP and Mayawati’s BSP in the 2019 Lok Sabha where the cadres on ground found it difficult to canvass for a party they had spent a lifetime taking pot shots at.

This brings us to the larger issue at play—while on paper, it is all very well for strategists like Prashant Kishor to talk about bringing the entire opposition on one platform to take on the BJP in the Lok Sahba polls, the reality on ground is very different where the Congress and various regional parties are fighting each other at the state level. Bringing diverse parties and egos on one platform post polls is also not easy as Dr Manmohan Singh found out when he tried to run a coalition with both Mamata and the CPM. Which brings another twist in the BJP vs The Rest version of the Game of Thrones, and again, as with most political turns these days, it’s one that works in Modi’s favour.

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‘Bad Bank’ must succeed to have good banks

Non-performing assets have been beleaguering the banking sector in India for a long time, but have worsened lately. Designed policies often fail to deliver desired results due to implementation challenges. In this case, time is of the essence and delays could be detrimental.



‘Exact predictions of policy outcomes are routine. Expressions of uncertainty are rare. Predictions and estimates often are fragile, resting on unsupported assumptions. So the expressed certitude is incredible,” states Charles F. Manski, an eminent economist, renowned for his work on judgement and decisions, and policy analysis in an uncertain world.

The quote could guide the progress of the recently established National Asset Reconstruction Company Limited (NARCL) dubbed as “Bad Bank“. It is a potent mechanism for tackling the mounting Non-Performing Assets (NPAs) of commercial banks. Taking them off their balance sheets may help them fulfil regulatory compliance and also enhance their lending capacity. But to serve the purpose, it must act with speed.

Announced in September 2021, NARCL is to take the big-ticket defaults of the commercial banks off their balance sheet, identified to be worth Rs 2 lakh crore. As per plans, 38 NPA accounts worth Rs 82,845 crore were expected to be transferred to the NARCL in the first phase out of which 15 accounts worth Rs 50,000 crore were to be transferred by the end of the fiscal year 2022.

NARCL is supposed to acquire these assets by paying 15% in cash and 85% in tradable Security Receipts (SRs), and redeemable on the resolution of the distressed assets. The government guarantee is expected to provide liquidity to SRs and can be invoked to make up for the shortfall in case of resale failure or sales at a discount of those assets by the bad bank. The target could not be achieved due to procedural delays and the deadline stands extended to July 2022.

Designed policies often fail to deliver desired results due to the implementation challenges. In this case, time is of the essence and delays could be detrimental. NPAs have been beleaguering the banking sector in India for a long time, but have worsened lately. Gross NPAs of the Scheduled Commercial Banks (SCBs) have steadily increased from Rs 59,373 crore in 2005 to Rs 2.63 lakh crore in 2014 and further to Rs 8.35 lakh crore in 2021. In between, they had peaked at Rs 10.36 lakh crore as of March 2018. Gross NPAs of the Public Sector Banks (PSBs) have been no exception, as they too jumped up from Rs 47,621 crore to Rs 2.27 lakh crore and Rs 6.17 lakh crore during the corresponding period.

The pandemic has further exacerbated the situation. The RBI’s financial stability report estimates that the gross NPA ratio might rise from 6.9% in September 2021 to 8.1% in the best-case scenario. In the worst case, they could rise to 9.5% by September 2022. The recent hikes in repo rate by 40 and 50 basis points to restrain the deteriorating inflation outlook is expected to make repayment of the loans more difficult putting further stress on NPAs in the coming months.

Bad Banks have been tested in an assortment of countries with variable success. Assets Reconstruction Companies (ARCs) have been generally successful where NPAs were caused due to delay and default on account of real estate lending, presumably because the mortgage assets for such lending are easier to identify, evaluate and sell. Will it work in case of the big-ticket bad loans each worth Rs 500 crore or more, particularly when they are accumulated over time due to the bad lending decision for unviable projects or restructuring of previous loans or where money could have been siphoned off?

Design-wise, the NARCL is structured well with built-in checks and balances. The PSBs being a 51% equity stakeholders in it will have a vested interest in the speedy resolution of bad debts acquired by NARCL. The government guarantee for the Security Receipt (SRs) issued by it against the bad debt of banks gives it grit.

Though the extent of the guarantee is stated to be Rs 30,600 crore, the actual outflow is expected to be much less as it is to be restricted to the shortfall between the face value of the SRs and the actual realisation by way of resolution or liquidation. The liability could be further contained by the provision that it could be invoked only if the resolution and realisation of the toxic assets happen within 5 years.

Additionally, to discourage the resolution of assets from being prolonged, NARCL would be required to pay to the banks a guarantee fee of 0.25% of the outstanding amount, from the second year onward, which would increase to 0.5%, 1% and 2% in the third, fourth and fifth year. Besides, the NPAs identified to be acquired in the first phase are fully provisioned as per the prudential norms.

The success of the Bad Bank idea could hinge on two factors: Firstly, the objectivity and transparency in the valuation of NPAs and their fair resolution; and secondly, the expertise of the debt resolution company. As far as the valuation and resolution of NPAs are concerned, these have been lying in the books of the banks for years, despite their best efforts to realise them, but in vain. Most would be compelled to sell their toxic assets at discount ranging between 40-70% of the book value minus accumulated interest.

As regards expertise, India should not have a dearth of knowledge and as regards experience, Indians are known to have a steep learning curve. The real challenge would, however, be to find the buyers of the bad debt. All the more critically, will the market have the appetite for such Assets? Protecting the process from the vested interests, who often use their acumen to circumvent the prescribed procedure for personal profit is all the more difficult to gauge and forestall.

A study by the Bank of International Settlements in 2020 highlighted that bad banks work best if supported by a recapitalisation. It further pointed out that a capable, effective and robust regulatory system is a sine qua non for the desired results. It was a good sign that the Union budget 2021-22 had provided Rs 20,000 crores for recapitalisation of PSBs, though the amount was reduced to Rs 15,000 crore in the revised estimate. Sadly, no fresh provision has been made for capital infusion into PSBs in the 2022-23 budget. However, many experts regard the government guarantee for SRs as an indirect form of recapitalisation. Still, given the magnitude of NPAs, the provision may seem scanty.

The banking sector is the backbone of a robust economy. A large number of small savers and risk-averse investors trust banks with their hard-earned savings in the hope that their deposits would be safe and earn a positive real return. This can be possible only if banks are able to lend in productive investments that are realisable in time as per the loan arrangements. NPAs bleed banks, impinge on their profitability and efficiency and shake the confidence of crores of savers and investors. The Bad Bank must succeed in letter and spirit.

Furqan Qamar, a Professor in the Faculty of Management Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, is a former Advisor (Education) in the Planning Commission of India. Taufeeque Ahmad Siddiqui is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Management Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia.

Bad Banks have been tested in an assortment of countries with variable success. Assets Reconstruction Companies (ARCs) have been generally successful where NPAs were caused due to delay and default on account of real estate lending, presumably because the mortgage assets for such lending are easier to identify, evaluate and sell. Will it work in case of the big-ticket bad loans each worth Rs 500 crore or more, particularly when they are accumulated over time due to the bad lending decision for unviable projects or restructuring of previous loans or where money could have been siphoned off?

Reserve Bank of India Governor Shaktikanta Das announces to increase the policy repo rate by 50 basic points, in New Delhi on 8 June 2022. The RBI’s financial stability report estimates that the gross NPA ratio might rise from 6.9% in September 2021 to 8.1% in the best-case scenario. In the worst case, they could rise to 9.5% by September 2022. ANI

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Joyeeta Basu



At the core of the Maharashtra crisis is the dynasty problem, where the not-so-competent son of an illustrious leader is trying to secure his own son’s future on the advice of his “kitchen cabinet”. Word has it that the reason Uddhav Thackeray became Chief Minister of Maharashtra was because of Maha Vikas Aghadi partners’ refusal to have a young Aaditya Thackeray as Chief Minister, and that Uddhav Thackeray became Chief Minister because he was more acceptable than his son to his MVA allies, even though he had zero administrative experience and had not fought an election in his life. Even if this is dismissed as political gossip at best, the fact is, it was Uddhav’s personal ambition and his desire to secure his son’s future that made him take the turn that he did—of joining hands with the enemy. BJP’s ascendance in Maharashtra was a major problem, as the Sena resented being the junior partner and the nearly three-decade-old alliance fell apart on the matter of Shiv Sena wanting the Chief Minister’s post despite having around 50% seats fewer than the BJP. However, Uddhav’s track record as Chief Minister has been less than illustrious, with charges rampant of him going the Congress-NCP way by abandoning the Sena’s “Hindutva” ideology, and seeking more validation from social media and a certain class of “left-liberals” than being effective on the ground. There was also report of Aaditya Thackeray acting as the de facto Chief Minister much of the time. Whatever be the reason or reasons for the turmoil in Sena, the fact is, among the rank and file of the party, there is immense unhappiness with the party’s top leadership. It would be lazy to blame the current impasse on money power. Lure of money cannot explain the exodus; the Sena is fracturing, in Shinde’s favour, right down to the grassroots. The letter of Aurangabad MLA, Sanjay Shirsat to Uddhav, where he accuses the latter of being inaccessible, is quite an eyeopener. Apparently, most Sena MLAs did not get to enter the Chief Minister’s Office or even the Mantralaya, the state secretariat, even once in the last two and a half years. There was no communication, as Thackeray had surrounded himself with a handful of people without grassroots presence. When Congress and NCP leaders have access to the CM and get funds cleared, Sena MLAs do not have any such luck and it is only Shinde who has been with them. Even if some of these allegations are true, it’s appalling and reminds one of the Congress situation, where leaders such as Himanta Biswa Sarma and others quit the party accusing Rahul Gandhi of inaccessibility, of not listening to the ground. In Congress too the problem is the dynasty, it’s just that the Congress manages the rumblings in its ranks better than the Sena.

Think of people like Akhilesh Yadav and Jayant Chaudhry, their family name is not helping them win elections. Jayant Chaudhry came a cropper in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections earlier this year. And even though Akhilesh managed to cross 100 seats in a 403-member Assembly, on Sunday, he ended up gifting his own erstwhile Lok Sabha seat, Azamgarh—apparently a Yadav family bastion—to the BJP. His cousin Dharmendra Yadav lost to the BJP’s Nirahua, in a huge setback for Akhilesh. What our dynasts do not realise is that voter loyalty to a particular family is a thing of the past. Unless there is performance, unless there is inspiring leadership, delivery on the ground, there is no loyalty—and that is the way it should be. Just being a Thackeray or a Yadav should not be a guarantee to success. The template has changed. It’s the age of perform or perish. It’s the age of cracking the glass ceiling. And for the non-dynasts in political parties, capable of leading from the front, the dynasts are the glass ceiling.

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Sorry is the least Modi baiters need to say now

Narendra Modi never condoned riots. But he was not ready to oblige the media by taking the blame for the riots. He always said if he was guilty he should be punished. ‘Hang me if I am guilty’, was his challenge. He knew for sure that he was right and tried his best to save the situation.



The Supreme Court verdict on 24 June was a moment of vindication and triumph for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and all those who believed in him. After being vilified by critics and opponents for a crime he had not committed, the minimum that Modi deserves after 20 years of pain is a common statement signed by all those who targeted him saying: “We Are Sorry”.

The Supreme Court verdict has clarified that there is nothing left to be discussed. The narrative created by anti-Modi forces was based on fiction and was “politically motivated”. The court gave all the avenues and platforms to them to prove their case, but they failed. Facts stood against insinuations, logic against assumptions and scientific evidence against lies. The doomsayers stand exposed crestfallen and completely maligned. Their narrative has fallen “like a pack of cards” when confronted with reality.

The Supreme Court rejected the appeal against the clean chit given by the SIT to Gujarat administration and then chief minister of Gujarat and final acceptance of the closure report by the Metropolitan Magistrate (2103) and the Gujarat High Court (2017). The Court pointed out that the proceedings were pursued for 16 years, and several applications were filed to “keep the pot boiling, for ulterior design”.

“The argument of the appellant was bordering on undermining the integrity and sincerity of the members of the SIT,” the court observed while pointing out that the SIT was set up specifically by the Supreme Court. The court noted that no new findings had come up and the submissions by Jafri were “far-fetched and an attempt to undo and undermine the integrity of the SIT”.

The issue of the anti-Modi camp, often subsumed in the garb of elites of Lutyens’ Delhi, was not riots. Much worse riots had taken place in Gujarat during the Congress regime as for example in 1969. The broad daylight killing of Sikhs in Delhi by Congress goons after assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984 is known to one and all. Compared to the Gujarat riots, the killing of Sikhs was pogrom.

The problem was that they were looking for a villain and wanted to nail someone for the riots. They tried their best to create a narrative to bring down Narendra Modi from the post of the chief minister of Gujarat. They took affront that the man was standing tall and trying to give solution, rather than going to Delhi to save his post. Lutyen’s media have always prided that they are the ones who make or mar governments in Delhi. They had completely failed in the case of Modi.

Nobody denied that riots had taken place in Gujarat in February-March 2002. Nobody denied that both Hindus and Muslims were killed in the riots. This is also true that the riots were an offshoot of the burning of 59 Kar Sevaks in Coach S6 of the ill-fated Sabarmati Express that was returning from Ayodhya. Large mass of people had gathered at Signal Fadia at Godhra and identified and targeted Ram Sewaks and burnt the S6 coach. Even women and children were not allowed to come out of the train by the blood thirsty mob. This happened on 27 February 2002. The next day angry mobs sought to avenge the killings. Police tried to stop rioters, but in most cases here were outnumbered. Record said that more than 200 people were killed in police firing.

One more insinuation was why the dead bodies of those charred to death in S6 coach was taken to Ahmedabad. The Modi-baiters alleged that this was done deliberately to instigate people. The SIT has accepted the government’s contention that the decision to take the bodies to Ahmedabad was unanimous. When a meeting took place on the issue at Godhra, none of the officials suggested any other way and they all suggested ways to facilitate transportation of the dead bodies. There were two considerations: one that the relatives of the deceased would find it tough to come to Godhra and identity the victims; and two, the small town of Godhra had no facility to conduct autopsy on so many bodies.

Narendra Modi never condoned riots. But he was not ready to oblige the media by taking the blame for the riots. He always said if he was guilty he should be punished. “Hang me if I am guilty”, was his challenge. He knew for sure that he was right and tried his best to save the situation. He called for the army within 24 hours which was a record in the country for any riot situation.

The hostile media started digging stories to create a narrative that there was a larger conspiracy at the top (meaning at the level of the chief minister) to allow Hindus to vent their anger on Muslims. The Special Investigation Team (SIT), looking into specific cases during riots, was asked to look into “allegation of larger criminal conspiracy at the highest level resulting in mass violence across the state during the relevant period.”

It was alleged that the chief minister, while chairing an emergency meeting to review the security situation after the Godhra incident on 27 February, had instructed senior officials to allow Hindus to vent their anger. This allegation stood on the testimony of minister of state for revenue Haren Pandya, former ADGP Intelligence R.B. Sreekumar and the DCI Security Sanjiv Bhat. The SIT found out that all the officials present at the meeting denied the presence of Bhat at the meeting. This was not proven even by his phone records. About Sreekumar, the SIT said that he was “a disgruntled officer and his testimony was not reliable”. On Pandya, the SIT observed that the phone record of Pandya did not establish that he was present at the said meeting. It was the chief minister’s meeting with top officials and even cabinet ministers were not present at the meeting.

The Supreme Court it its judgment held: “We find force in the argument of the respondent-State that the testimony of Mr Sanjiv Bhatt, Mr Haren Pandya and also of Mr R.B. Sreekumar was only to sensationalize and politicize the matters in issue, although, replete with falsehood. For, persons not privy to the stated meeting, where utterance were allegedly made by the then Chief Minister, falsely claimed themselves to be eye-witnesses and after thorough investigation by the SIT, it has become clear that their claim of being present in the meeting was itself false to their knowledge. On such false claim, the structure of larger criminal conspiracy at the highest level has been erected. The same stands collapsed like a house of cards, aftermath thorough investigation by the SIT […]”

Giving a clean chit to the Gujarat administration and the investigation conducted by the SIT, the bench noted that there was “no material worth the name to even create a suspicion” of criminal conspiracy. The Supreme Court further endorsed the SIT for collecting materials that indicated the hard work and planning of State functionaries to control the spontaneous evolving situation of mass violence across the State of Gujarat. It noted that the police force was inadequate and the State replenished this with Central Forces/Army, which were called without loss of time. It also noted the SIT’s observation that the then Chief Minister publicly made repeated appeals to maintain peace.

This nails the narrative that the state authorities did not act in time. The fact that the army was called within 24 hours and the country’s then Defence Minister George Fernandes was in Gandhinagar to take care of any eventualities. The state police was grossly outnumbered when mob of 5000-1000 or even more were on the rampage. The state tried to get police force from adjoining Congress-ruled states, but that was not coming. The army was in Gandhinagar on the evening of 28 February 2002.

The third basis for creating the narrative was a report in Times of India that had quoted the chief minister on the action reaction theory. The fact is that the newspaper had not even spoken to the chief minister and had tried to pick up threads from the interview Modi gave to Zee News television channel anchor Sudhir Chaudhary. The story published by Times of India was denied, but it appeared in a non-descript way in a remote corner of the same newspaper.

The Supreme Court has noted Chaudhary’s statement that Modi had rejected violence and did not justify the action-reaction theory. Modi had said that violence cannot be a reply to violence, Modi had said in the interview. The reporter’s attempt to sensationalize could not be taken as a proof of endorsement or complicity by the chief minister. Modi never justified violence.

After the verdict, it appears that a section of intelligentsia, including media, was in cahoots with the Congress and the Left and against the nationalist ideology represented by the RSS and the Bharatiya Janata Party that prides of cultural nationalism. They have been the biggest beneficiaries of the government and its system. They had complete monopoly on the country’s narrative whether history or it understanding. The rise of the nationalist forces so strongly would mean a challenge to their narrative.

Modi as an RSS pracharak who joined the BJP had the potential to do extremely well. He had shown his mettle during earthquake rehabilitation in Gujarat even when he was the general secretary of the partyb. As Chief Minister he evolved a model of good governance in the State that could do any chief minister proud.

Sonia Gandhi and her United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government tried their best to fix Modi and Amit Shah raking up Gujarat every now and then. Agencies were let loose,, but they could not do anything. The oppose Modi camp knew, unless they were defamed, nothing could prevent Modi from coming to power at the Centre. The pliant media played handmaiden.

All these could not prevent Modi from becoming the Prime Minister, but they kept on with their smear Modi campaign. Modi kept winning elections one after the other. People of the country never trusted the smear campaign. But the anti-Modi camp had a far greater design; keep defaming him so that he does not become an indisputable world leader.

The issue of the anti-Modi camp, often subsumed in the garb of elites of Lutyens’ Delhi, was not riots. Much worse riots had taken place in Gujarat during the Congress regime as for example in 1969. The broad daylight killing of Sikhs in Delhi by Congress goons after assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1984 is known to one and all. Compared to the Gujarat riots, the killing of Sikhs was pogrom. The problem was that they were looking for a villain and wanted to nail someone for the riots. They tried their best to create a narrative to bring down Narendra Modi from the post of the Chief Minister of Gujarat. They took affront that the man was standing tall and trying to give solution, rather than going to Delhi to save his post.

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Importance of Essay Writing for Students



Every student is required to write essays in high school or college. It is the most frequent type of assignment for homework. What’s the reason why tutors are so enthusiastic about this type of assignment? There are many motives. Essay writing is a method to test students’ analytical, research, and persuasive abilities, which are essential to adulthood. Keep reading for those who wish to try their hand at writing and get the answer to, “what is the purpose of writing? “Why are writing skills that are well-developed essential?”

1. Develops the writing abilities

It’s an excellent way to improve your writing skills. Make sure to study as much as you can to enhance your writing abilities and quickly write top-quality essays. It can assist you in achieving better marks in college and allow you to write an engaging and well-thought-out essay with ease.

2. Thinking on your own

It’s easy for you to spot an educated person from the very beginning of their essay. If you’re trying to look professional and establish your name, having the ability to write an excellent essay is crucial. Learn how to write essays of high quality which demonstrate that you’re professional and proficient in your future career opportunities.

3. Gains research skills

It’s hard to get an A+ grade without doing an extensive amount of research. In the current technological age, research skills are essential. There are plenty of sources available on the Internet. Pick up your phone, type in your question, and receive an answer within a matter of minutes. But, not all articles or articles online on WEB are reliable. Writing essays will help you find accurate information, then analyze it, and confirm it.

4. Increase your knowledge in different niches

When doing research, we always come across something that is new. In writing papers on different themes, students go through many sources and gather numerous data. So, they find something new that they did not know before.

5. Job opportunities

Do you want to get the best and most lucrative job upon your graduation? If so, do not put off writing your essay. Everybody knows that you need to send your resume and application letter in order to be considered for a position. A professionally designed CV will showcase your abilities and capabilities as an educated person.

Professional cover letters are a great way to impress your prospective employer to highlight your skills and abilities as a professional.

6. Writing skills are essential to advance

Do you want to remain in the same place throughout your life? The answer is obviously no. If you’re hoping to be granted an increment in rank, you must prove that you’re well-educated and knowledgeable.

Imagine that you have to write an email to your boss or prepare your annual reports, or even present. If your email, document, or slideshow has common mistakes in spelling, grammar, or grammar mistakes, It’s unlikely you’ll get promoted.

Always make sure to check your writing using the online writing program. Also, ensure that you read your essay thoroughly. If your documents and emails are top-quality, then you’ll be an ideal candidate to be promoted. Studycrumb is a perfect service to make sure that your writing is more than excellent!

7. Critical thinking skills

What are the motives behind why writing is essential in today’s world? Writing essays isn’t only a way to exercise your brain. That requires you to study various sources and write down your thoughts. Writing essays for your college is an opportunity to reflect and evaluate the data you’ve gathered. It is vital to take deep into the subject in order to collect data and ensure that you don’t miss any meaningful details.

8. Learn how to share ideas

Students are expected to share their personal opinions. If you’re looking to learn how to express your opinion, essay writing is among the most effective ways to learn the art of communicating using ideas.

Essay writing can help in learning to engage readers using phrases that transition and provide a continuous flow of information and thoughts.

9. Improves persuasive abilities

Certain people might not appreciate your ideas, even though they’re fantastic. To help students improve their ability to convince, teachers frequently offer persuasive essays. This type of essay requires students to convince readers by providing evidence-based arguments and facts.

Many students struggle with writing essays and need help. In this case, they can visit websites that allow them to create assignments online to receive top-quality essay writing by professionals.

10. It is helpful to create interesting posts and articles.

Do you want your blog’s posts to attract a huge number of people? Learn how to create captivating pieces of writing while creating college essays. When writing college essays, Learn to write books that make readers want to read more about the blog and make use of statistics and citations to grab the attention of readers.

11. Improves communication skills

Humans are social creatures. This implies that we’ve participated in a collective from the beginning. If you want to be successful in your local community, you should have strong communication skills. One of the best ways to develop your writing skills is to practice writing essays. Writing for academic reasons requires students to share their thoughts and interact with readers with only words.

In short, you need to be able to dive deep into the subject you’ve chosen and study the subject thoroughly. Then, you must share your thoughts and back up the argument using factual data. Be aware that you must write a piece that has errors in grammar and spelling for the chance to get an A for your writing. Studycrumb is a perfect service to make sure that your writing is more than excellent!

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