In 2005 when our research team from the Governance Knowledge Centre of the Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, JNU was evaluating DARPG (Department of Administrative Reforms & Public Grievances) selected best governance practices, Modi’s market cooperatives of Gujarat turned out to be a strong initiative to protect his state against an ongoing worldwide recession. However, more than a decade later his replication of his Gujarat experiment by creating a new Ministry of Cooperation(MoC) comes as a surprise. It seems to be a borrowed past sans current realities. Is it a namesake for a pre-existing arrangement, a design for pre-election statecraft, or a nomenclature faux pas? To be given in the hands of a minister who is already so overloaded with performance pressure demands of an intensively centralized Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) where none of its tasks falling in place— for instance, disaster (Pandemic, forest fire, floods, glacial lake outburst) management, increasing criminal impunity, women safety; and internal security is even more astounding. Notwithstanding the Centre’s assurance that it will help realize the vision of ‘Sahkar se Samriddhi’ it remains an impossible marriage between an episteme and a corporeal.
The Home Ministry has no commonality or shared domain with the grassroot village cooperatives and as seen, the cooperatives shrink at the sight of Home Ministry officials near them. Now, this sight would become unavoidable considering the same office entertaining all uncommon concerns. While the first represents centralization, regimentation, and retribution having an edifice built over stringent laws such as Indian Penal Code (IPC)1860, Indian Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) 1898, Epidemic Disease Act (EDA)1897, Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA)1967, National Security Act (NSA) 1980, Disaster Management Act (DMA) 2005, etc, the other is a world of freedom, innovation, communication, culture, negotiation, and mutual hand-holding. As a microcosmic crucible of noisy bazaar economics, grassroot communities discover, learn and undertake microcredit transactions in local produce (vegetables to sugarcanes) and indigenous handcraft (weavers to wool spinning) to sustain themselves against a dominant but predatory model of national economics. I had come across one such cooperative in the Niwari village of Bundelkhand in MP. During the 2006-7 global credit banking recession most tribal people had lost their jobs in construction, road building and transportation, etc but this ‘haat’(local tribal mandi) where the poor tribal communities came together with their usufruct (whatever they procured from forest such as firewood, big leaves, fruits, nuts, buds, medicinal herbs, plates made of teak leaves, ropes and many more) at a common place every morning and did a good business which even included their hiring for decorating and singing at marriages. A gripping sensation of fear and desuetude has swept through those multifarious cooperatives and the most insecure are women and labour cooperatives of Kerala , UP, West Bengal, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, and Tamil Nadu. These cooperatives have been grassroot energy tanks that contributed to improving per-capita income for the marginalized across the country. How could these two entirely different domains of conformity and creativity be expected to work together?
Through a new ministry, the Home Minister is allocated an additional charge of regulating grassroot cooperatives or local economy per se. It is indispensable to understand that ‘cooperatives’ represent a basic unit of a market or a grassroot economy whereas, the fact that economy is embedded in economics makes these units culturally and historically entangled. Economics performs and shapes economy or it can be said that a genealogy of a market concept (progress of ideas) such as a mandi, bazaar, community-based organizations or an Ema market as in Manipur is interdependent upon an anthropological history of market structures (how society shapes it’s market organizations) such as hierarchy of controls for specific products. Such embeddedness as Karl Polanyi suggests in The Great Transformation is both possible and filled with lessons. To ignore these lessons due to the ‘tunnel vision’ which bureaucracy exhibits in achieving small ideological victories for the government could prove as costly for the nation as the failed Perestroika of the USSR’s Mikhail Gorbachev. Peculiar anthropology of local markets is a congregation of those century-old local and indigenous communities which are neither understood by central commands nor entertained by emerging global forces. Those district magistrates not exposed to the critical global discourses may just surrender as agents of the Home Ministry rather than suffer a double burden of their ignorance and accountability to the MHA.
One can also sense some incredulity in setting up this new MoC when the Agriculture, Cooperation & Farmers Welfare (DAC&FW) has always existed as one of the three constituent Departments of the Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare. Prior to it in earlier years there was a Department of Cooperation in the Ministry of Agriculture which was more focused with a targeted approach towards cooperatives’ movement. So far this Department was headed by an Agriculture & Farmers Welfare Minister and assisted by three Ministers of State. With a prolonged and unrelenting farmers movement and the Agriculture Minister’s inability to resolve it the Agriculture Minister has little legitimacy left to face agricultural cooperatives which are now much agitated and hostile towards a government they now see as an agent of big companies. The delinking of the ‘task of cooperation’ from that of agriculture and farmers’ welfare only creates another silo within which it would be impossible to proceed without the agriculture ministry. So, the agriculture minister would become an inconspicuous information provider to the Home Minister who in turn would apply his experience of the Gujarat Model to MoC.
The ‘Cooperative Societies’ is a state subject under entry 32 state list of Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Even the cooperatives functioning from more than one state are covered under a separate Act of Multistate Cooperative Societies Act of 2002 under the Central Government. The Indian Constitution through its 97th Amendment in 2011 had added to the IX Schedule, Part IXB (Art.243ZH to 243 ZT) which provides for incorporation, regulation, and winding up of cooperative Societies based on the principles of voluntary formation, democratic member control, member economic participation, and autonomous functioning. The incorporated articles empowered the State Governments to obtain periodic reports of activities and accounts of Co-operatives Societies. These societies represent a sustainable example of microcredit transactions and grassroot level demand fulfilment. The Amendment had ensured accountability of Cooperatives to the State Governments which has now been allocated to a Central Minister who is also the Home Minister.These Cooperatives have played a phenomenal role in the making and unmaking of governments at least in Maharashtra with Sharad Pawar and Congress continuing to remain undisputed political masters of the state’s grassroot economy. Both rural and urban cooperatives are holders of wealth, resources, and social capital which politicians encash during election time. So the new Ministry is also seen as a design to topple federal structure while at the same time a masterstroke to disrupt the power platform of farmers before the elections in coming years.
It seems that the government only focuses on elections whether its institutional preparedness, resources generation, or seeking public trust which are now wholesomely directed to ensuring an election victory. This aggrandizing trend is explained by the famous Virginia school economist Gordon Tullock through an appropriate mathematical formula in economics which brought out a politician as a person who made his living by winning elections and to expect altruism and benign faith-building from him is a desire of a moth for the star. It is not of much interest to them whether tunnel vision bureaucrats roar of embellished ethics or indulge in covert corruption to achieve petty minor ideological victories for keeping them in good humour. As an end result, governance is mortified as election machinery.
There is a nomenclature problem as well with the title of the Ministry. As long as it was clubbed with agriculture and farmers the word ‘cooperation’ notified an activity which rendered grassroot cooperation much needed to market their products, but once segregated ‘Cooperation’ would carry a much wider meaning cutting across almost every ministry. Since the MoC is for cooperatives alone, it could have been titled as a Ministry of Cooperatives as a better reflection of its focus of work and stakeholder imperative. In some haste, much thought has not been given to it and the title is carried forward as a ‘cut & paste’ word popped out of tunnel vision. The world is increasingly transdisciplinary and unless bureaucracy and political masters break out from their silos they remain narrow and lopsided. Cooperation demands mutuality of learning and a form of symbiosis in approach to collaboration. There is a need for tolerance, faith, and building of trust. The famous story of the 1980s from the Sologne region of France as studied by Marie-France Garcia brings out a process in which local community-based calculative agencies emerge to transform a table strawberry market into a sustainable market. The factor of trust helped to keep everyone together in market transactions. Amul story is also built on mutuality of trust and commitment of local communities. What would be a threshold of interference by a Central government is yet to be established and for that reason remains arbitrary.
At a time when our nation increasingly looks up for intercultural dialogues to create new pluralistic discourses of political economy, the Ministry of Cooperation represents the likelihood of monolithic free trade catechisms, proliferating multinational investments, and spreading communication networks which altogether threaten to dismantle the local economy. Demonetization had initiated a shedding of unorganised sector and now acreation of MoC appears like a Promethean lust to be godlike in implanting grandiosely global formulae to hasten premature wilting of humble grassroot initiatives called Cooperatives.
The author is president, NDRG, and former Professor of Administrative Reforms and Emergency Governance at JNU. The views expressed are personal.
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BJP HERE TO STAY
At the BJP National Executive in Hyderabad, Home Minister Amit Shah made an interesting comment—that the way he sees it the BJP is here to stay for the next three decades. There is no breaking news in this statement for the way the Congress is going it is clear that there is no stopping the BJP. But at the same time it would be interesting to see what kind of a governance model the BJP has in plan for the next three years. Will he be able to promote India as a vishwa-guru? Will the BJP be able to end the politics of jaatiwad and parivarwaad?
Well Maharashtra seems a step in the right direction if the limited goal is to strike at dynasty politics. For the short term, Chief Minister Eknath Shinde has shown that there can be a Sena without the Thackerays—though we have to see how this plays out in the courts which will take into account the strength of Shiv Sainiks outside the House as well. But if Eknath Shinde (aided and abetted by the BJP) is able to wrest the party symbol from the Thackerays then that sends a very strong message to other political dynasties.
Already Akhilesh Yadav is feeling the heat. In the recent bypolls, the Samajwadi Party lost two Muslim dominated strongholds Azamgarh and Rampur to the BJP. Akhilesh’s silence on the hijab controversy during the recent assembly polls was noticed by the minority community. And now during the national executive Prime Minister Modi pointed out that they need to woo backwards amongst the Muslim community as well. Already the party leadership is divided between Akhilesh and his Uncle Shivpal Yadav. The young SP chief has a tough task ahead and he made the right decision when he gave up his Lok Sabha seat for the MLA one. He has to show he is serious about state politics. Then comes the curious and curiouser case of Rahul Gandhi, the dynast who doesn’t know what to do with his silver spoon. Should he shake it or stir it or exchange it! Party sources claim that the Congress is still not sure as to whether it would be holding its inner party polls in September as planned. Which means that Rahul’s elevation could get further delayed. Which means the confusion will further continue over the leadership issue. Well, on one side, there is a party that has the next three decades chalked out and, on the other side, is a party that is to come up with a definite plan for the next three months!
Team Modi should involve end stakeholders to push reforms
If PM Modi’s natural style is ‘just do it, and do it fast’, now the government needs to pay greater attention to change management to make the reforms more acceptable.
In response to the Agnipath scheme, when people took to the streets, it seemed like a familiar sight. One more “good” reform scheme of the Narendra Modi government was being opposed vehemently by the masses. And this time, many noticed a trend in terms of repeat of protests against government schemes— demonetisation, CAA, farm laws and, now, the Agnipath scheme. Even genuine Modi supporters, in a way, felt the fatigue of “defeat” of one more Modi scheme in the durbar of the masses.
Interestingly, team Modi itself had not anticipated the kind of resistance that we have seen repeatedly. So why is it that Team Modi that seems to understand the voters’ mind fairly well when seeking votes fails to predict the pushback to their reforms from the masses? Why has this government failed in pushing through quite a few big reforms despite PM Modi’s popularity and his supposed positive intent? There are a few theories. The first theory is that PM Modi does not involve experts when forming policies. While this seemed true at the beginning of his tenure as PM, learning from the demonetisation “fiasco”, over a period of time, Modi has surely increased the level of consultation—at least the technical aspects, if not other aspects like change management required–with experts when designing big reform policies. GST was almost entirely designed and detailed by “experts”. The scrapping of Article 370 was thought through to the last level of details, including the push back and potential riots. The Agnipath scheme was evidently reviewed and detailed by the heads of Armed forces as mentioned by themselves in various forums.
The second theory is that the government isn’t communicating enough about their reform policies. This seems to be true to a fair extent. The government does make grand announcements and circulates information about the features and (supposed) benefits of their schemes on traditional and social media. But the problem is, people don’t get to hear what they want to hear in those communications. The communications aren’t convincingly conveying “what’s-in-it-for-me”, and, on the contrary, are giving rise to “why-it’s-not-for-me”, which the government has not been able to address. Generally, people of no country like sudden changes—more so Indian masses, a large section of whom are economically vulnerable and hovering around the poverty levels. In a zeal to announce “big transformative” changes, the government might actually be scaring the stakeholders who may not be prepared for reforms like open market competition (farmers, MSMEs) or short-term contractual arrangement (for army) rather than lifelong safe jobs. There are tactics on effective political messaging to push through reforms with relatively lesser resistance like those used in 1991 liberalization which the government might want to deploy.
The third theory is that the government is trying to do “too much too soon”. Team Modi seems to be in a hurry, which could arguably be a good thing, but the changes are probably appearing too suddenly and happening too fast for the people to keep pace with. If a relatively small reform like increasing FDI limit in the insurance sector took more than a decade, the present government aspires to push through big reforms like CAA and GST (from planning to launch to stabilisation) in 4-5 years. That also means that big reforms are not spaced out or phased adequately. The Agnipath scheme could have coexisted with regular recruitment for a few years before it completely replaced the regular recruitment to reduce the pain and fear among the young aspirants. Further, the government could have avoided launching the Agnipath scheme now when Army recruitment had been on hold for a few years due to Covid and lakhs of young aspirants were eagerly waiting for their dream jobs. Balancing speedy reforms with minimising pain of the stakeholders involves careful trade-offs which this government doesn’t seem to be making effectively.
The fourth theory is that this government isn’t seeking feedback from the beneficiaries. This, too, seems to be often true and probably the biggest of their shortcomings. If adequate inputs are taken from “beneficiaries” during the design stage and pilots are conducted, then policy related communications could be smarter and initiatives could be phased better. Be it GST, CAA or the farm laws, the government was caught off-guard for not knowing upfront what beneficiaries or stakeholders would actually want and how they would react.
The root cause of the above flaws in implementing big reforms could be PM Modi’s overconfidence or overenthusiasm or a combination both. Also, if PM Modi’s natural style is “Just do it, and do it fast”, he needs to learn from the experience of the last eight years and do more to alter his natural style with the goal to take the stakeholders along by being more empathetic and sensitive to their real and perceived needs. The government needs to pay greater attention to change management to make the reforms more acceptable. Nothing to take away the government’s efforts in pushing probably the maximum number of reforms and initiatives in India’s history within just eight years even in the challenging times of Covid pandemic and Ukraine conflict. The Modi government has initiated big reforms like Cooperative Banks Regulation Act, disbanding of Ordinance Board, privatisation of Air India, public listing of LIC, merger of PSU banks, Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, scrapping ofArticle 370 and implementing GST. History shows that it is relatively easier to push through reforms relating to businesses and corporates compared to those relating to citizens and it is no different for the Modi government. It has faced maximum opposition and failures in reforms relating to farmers, labour laws, land laws, army recruitment and citizenship status of people of India. The Modi government has eight years to look back at, reflect upon, draw lessons from and get better at pushing through reforms successfully. For this, Team Modi needs to ensure greater involvement of end stakeholders when designing reforms, pay greater attention to managing change, have a more palliative communication strategy and phase the reforms better. India needs more reforms from this government and a little more effort towards this will do the trick.
Alpesh Patel is a tech entrepreneur and has been a management consultant with Big4. He is the author of the book ‘Chalta Hai India’ by Bloomsbury, India.
Team Modi seems to be in a hurry, which could arguably be a good thing, but the changes are probably appearing too suddenly and happening too fast for the people to keep pace with. If a relatively small reform like increasing FDI limit in the insurance sector took more than a decade, the present government aspires to push through big reforms like CAA and GST (from planning to launch to stabilisation) in 4-5 years. That also means that big reforms are not spaced out or phased adequately. The Agnipath scheme could have coexisted with regular recruitment for a few years before it completely replaced the regular recruitment to reduce the pain and fear among the young aspirants.
ALL LIVES MATTER, HINDU LIVES INCLUDED
Just when one thought that western legacy media had already hit the nadir with its tendentious coverage of India and India’s majority community, in comes another report that is so mendacious in its interpretation of facts that it plumbs new depths of insensitivity and treads into the territory of religiophobia. We are talking about a new article from the famous—or infamous, seen from an Indian perspective—Time magazine, which has found the social media trend “Hindu Lives Matter” to be dangerous. The headline of the report written by a Kashmiri lady (according to her Twitter bio) blatantly says, “‘Hindu Lives Matter’ Emerges as Dangerous Slogan After Horrific Killing in India” (1 July 2022). It is as if the token use of “horrific” to describe the gruesome beheading of a Hindu tailor by two Islamist terrorists is enough lip service paid, and the main issue is the reaction to the incident on social media, inspired by the movement “Black Lives Matter”. Does one of the world’s best-known news weeklies realise that by publishing such a report it is essentially implying that the lives of people belonging to a particular religion—Hinduism—do not matter? That they could die like flies for all Time cared, as long as the mantle of victimhood stayed with a particular minority community in India. It is as if Hindu victimhood in the face of radical terrorism must be “cancelled”, as Time editors have pre-supposed that Hindus being in a majority in India are naturally oppressors. An Indian/Indian origin leftist commentator quoted in the article has this to say: “‘Hindu Lives Matter’ presumes those lives have been overlooked. Hindu lives have not been overlooked in a Hindu majoritarian state. This is a revisionist fabrication of history and the present.” This is a rather appalling and fabricated narrative where one community is the perpetual victim and another the oppressor, when in reality, India has had a history of conquest and subjugation of the majority community, and the resultant troubled inter-community relations. Even in the present, the situation is anything but black and white. There is nothing revisionist about a beheading on account of “blasphemy”. It is a reality. It happened, and no claims of victimhood by anyone can justify such an action. Instead of acknowledging this, the article normalises violence against Hindus. If this is not Hinduphobia, then what is? That one of the most well-known international news weeklies is providing a platform to such a phobia, and thus legitimising it, is extremely problematic.
In fact, it is the same Time that published another extremely problematic piece on the film, The Kashmir Files—The Kashmir Files: How a New Bollywood Film Marks India’s Further Descent Into Bigotry, 30 March 2022—where the Indian/Indian-origin author claimed the film to be a part of “Indian cinema’s revisionist trend, used to justify the brazen Hindu extremism of the present”. To say that a film on the suffering of Kashmiri Pandits is revisionist is itself a revisionist claim. Hence, one can argue that the trend is now for woke leftists to delegitimise all that India’s majority community has suffered as “revisionist history”.
In journalism, there is a practice of writing the headline before writing the story, where the story is tailored to fit the headline. The problem is that, in such cases, facts often get sacrificed at the altar of a pre-determined agenda or narrative. When it comes to western media’s coverage of India’s current government, and increasingly of the majority population—presumably because the western media sees them as supportive of the government—a template of bigotry and majoritarianism has been pre-decided. This confirmation bias has just to be fed by those who know how to do it, and are willing to do it. This antagonism of the western mainstream media could be because of actual ignorance or plain laziness to learn about the ground situation. It could be ideological, or may have elements of racism in it. It could also be inspired by forces inimical to India, who want to show this country as a cauldron of hatred and thus not a stable investment destination. It could be any of these reasons, or a combination of some or all of these, but the bottom line is that the demonisation of India sells with the western legacy media, resulting in a one-way street of negative coverage.
But the mistake these people make is not realising that India is too big a power to be felled by keyboard warriors. It may be dented, but not felled. It is just that it is sad to see institutions such as Time, instead of promoting “All Lives Matter”, should find “Hindu Lives Matter” to be a dangerous slogan. What a downfall.
No party can dislodge the BJP for 40 years
Union Minister Amit Shah’s statement that the BJP needs to stay in power for another 30-40 years for setting things right, should not be taken lightly. The BJP will use the time to end dynastic and caste politics, and the politics of appeasement.
It is extremely difficult for political parties to challenge the BJP’s political hegemony unless they jettison their old ways and discover new methods to give vent to nationalist resurgence. Union Minister Amit Shah’s statement that the BJP needs to stay in power for another 30-40 years for setting things right should not be taken lightly.
The BJP will use the time to end dynastic politics, casteism and the politics of appeasement. Shah, while addressing the BJP’s national executive meeting in Hyderabad over the weekend, described these as the “greatest sins” and the reason behind the country’s suffering. The target of the party would be “fulfilment” and not appeasement as exhorted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
The party’s national executive outlined the parameters of its ideological affront on opposition parties. The BJP’s focus is clearly going to be to expose these parties and push forward its agenda of development and good governance. In that sense, the BJP is trying to give a tectonic shift to Indian politics that sank to a new low due to caste or communal divide or dynastic rule.
A country where more than 65% voters fall in the category of youth, this agenda is going to find a strong resonance. A youth is supposed to be rebellious and opposed to caste and communal divide. He is also supposed to champion an open system where all avenues are open to him, including politics. He does not mind private individuals passing on their heritage to family, but is strongly opposed when public offices and political parties are passed on to individuals merely because of the links of birth.
This urge of the youths is likely to dismantle dynasty based parties and make the BJP more attractive to them. Politics is not a business that a father wants to pass on to his son or daughter. It is a vocation and a commitment and a means to achieve social, economic and political transformation. Newer people must get a chance to join this process and contribute meaningfully. An ordinary man can question why even foreign educated sons and daughters of these politicians want to join politics. Is it because it is more lucrative than being the CEO of an MNC?
There is a challenge to this from within the BJP as well. It is but natural for a father or a mother to try to pass on the baton to his son or daughter. The Prime Minister is trying to ensure that politics does not become a handmaiden of dynasties. There are occasions, as for example during ticket distribution for the Assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, where he has put his foot down and taken the risk of alienating important leaders. The challenge in the coming days would be to institutionalise this process so that the party does not suffer due to aspirations of political families. Unless this is done, there is a real danger that in times to come most political representatives would belong to one or the other political families.
Ideological demolition of other parties would not be tough. The Congress is already on a war path due to its failure to respond to the challenges. It cannot even imagine making someone else from outside the dynasty as party president since the person who would become party president would control all Congress assets and would be all powerful. To find a person who would be loyal to the dynasty forever is extremely difficult.
The youth no longer finds the Congress attractive. Its appeasement politics and attempts to divide people to rule have few takers. It has not been able to give an alternative political vision that would be more attractive than that of the BJP. On the plank of nationalism and patriotism, the Congress would not be able to match the BJP. There are few in the Congress who can claim to understand the civilizational and cultural assets of the country.
Let us try to look at the politics of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. In Uttar Pradesh, every member of the extended family of Mulayam Singh Yadav is in politics, either at the local level or at the level of state legislature or Parliament. It has no ideology except to unite Yadavs and Muslims and a few other castes and somehow come to power. It does not have a national vision. Its other version, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is suffering due to lack of a democratic structure. It tried caste coalition by asking Brahmins to support the party. Its future looks bleak.
In Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav who was a by-product of anti-Emergency movement had to wait for the anti-corruption movement of V.P. Singh to gain prominence. In the company of Singh, he discovered the virtue of becoming the leader of 52% of OBCs. He has used his plank of social awareness to reward each and every member of this family. His family is a classic example that those who fail in all other fields find acceptability in politics due to caste and family clout. The party would collapse due to vaulting ambition of Lalu’s children and failure to respect democratic values.
Jammu and Kashmir has been ruled by two families the Abdullahs and the Muftis. The young crops of politicians from the grassroots are now itching to give a fight to them. People are reaping the benefits of development and they have begun to think beyond these two families. In West Bengal, it is either Ms Mamata Banerji or her nephew. None outside the family would get the prominence. She is already mad at the ideological attack launched by the BJP and cannot think beyond the politics of appeasement. Her politics gets precedence over national security. How long she can hold on to the state as her citadel is the topic of discussion in West Bengal’s political circles.
Dynasty is thriving in politics of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana—the ruling YSR party in Andhra Pradesh and the TRS in Telangana. The challenger Telugu Desam Party is also a dynasty based party. People are realising the dangers of dynasty in politics and Telangana is going to face stiff challenge from the BJP at the next Assembly elections.
We have already seen the ugly face of dynasty politics in Maharashtra. Sharad Pawar of the NCP is busy sorting out the legacy issue. A person of his national stature has not been able to respond on national issues. The Shiv Sena led by Udhav Thackeray may have got the bitter pill of discovery that the followers are unhappy with dynasty politics. Because of his love for chair, he failed to respond to national issues as per the organization’s ideology.
In Tamil Nadu, the DMK is no longer a movement, but a legacy of M. Karunanidhi. His family thrives. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha runs on legacy of Shibu Soren (Guruji). There is a vacuum for politics based on ideology and democratic values in both. In Odisha, Biju Janata Dal is doing well under 76-year-old Naveen Patnaik. He has been benevolent, non-controversial and people love him. But everyone wants to know how BJD would survive after he becomes inactive.
The BJP’s aspiration to expand to the South and make a strong mark in other states should be seen in this context. The aspirations are not for immediate realization, but building organizations brick by brick so that it is ready to take up the challenge when the time comes. The party works 24-hours and the entire election machinery is in full force whether it is local elections, state level elections or elections to the Lok Sabha.
Amit Shah often says that the BJP with its strong cadre presence should have no problem registering victory year after year. When you have a person like Narendra Modi whom people respect, this is not tough. With its ideology of good governance and a strong nation, the party is slated to get institutionalized as a natural party of being in government. The challenge as of now is none.
The Congress’ appeasement politics has few takers today. In Uttar Pradesh, every member of the extended family of Mulayam Singh Yadav is in politics, either at the local level or at the level of state legislature or Parliament. The future of the Bahujan Samaj Party looks bleak. In Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav’s family is a classic example that those who fail in all other fields find acceptability in politics due to caste and family clout. In Jammu and Kashmir, people have begun to think beyond the Abdullahs and Muftis. In Tamil Nadu, the DMK is no longer a movement, but a legacy of M. Karunanidhi. His family thrives. Dynasty is thriving in the politics of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana—the ruling YSR party in Andhra Pradesh and the TRS in Telangana. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha runs on the legacy of Shibu Soren (Guruji). In Odisha, everyone wants to know how BJD would survive after Naveen Patnaik becomes inactive.
POLITICAL ACTIVISTS SHOULD STOP ATTACKING THE APEX COURT
Soon after a Division Bench of the Supreme Court virtually indicted suspended BJP spokesperson, Nupur Sharma, for her remarks about the Prophet, right wing activists took to the social media to target the judiciary. This unfortunate attack on the Apex court and its two learned Judges, Justice Surya Kant and Justice JB Pardiwala was completely avoidable and in fact, lowers our belief in the rule of law. The honourable Judges had declined to entertain Nupur’s plea to club the FIRs registered against her in various parts of the country for her comments and observed that she had a “loose tongue’’, “is singlehandedly responsible for what is happening’’ and she should have apologised to the Nation. While the BJP did not take up the issue directly, many of its supporters took to twitter and other social media handles to question the Supreme Court. This is obviously a serious matter since the judiciary is an essential part of our democratic system and along with the Executive and the Legislature is assigned the role of upholding the Constitution. In a totally unrelated development, Chief Justice N.V.Ramana while speaking at a function in San Fransisco, accused politicians of trying to undermine the authority of the courts. He said that the ruling dispensation expects that every action should be endorsed by the courts. The judiciary is not bound by the dikats of any political party and is only responsible for upholding the Constitution. Strong words indeed. Senior Supreme Court lawyer, Kapil Sibal while speaking to a news agency stated that certain sections of the judiciary had let the people down and stated that after being on the bar for over 50 years, his head hangs in shame looking at the manner where certain courts turn a blind eye to gross violation of the rule of law. This fresh debate on the judiciary as long as it is done in the right spirit is fine but trolling judges for their comments, amounts to contempt of the majesty of our judicial system. Kapil has expressed his views in a particular context and so has the Chief Justice. But ordinary citizens may be entitled to their opinion, yet they should ensure that they do not exceed the Lakshman Rekha where the sanctity of the Highest Court gets compromised. Attempts to link Nupur Sharma’s remarks with what happened in Udaipur and Amrawati could be part of a natural reaction. However, it must be clearly understood that the terror act by the killers of Kanhaiya Lal is highly condemnable. Therefore, spokespersons and supporters of all parties must act in a responsible manner so as to contain this hatred which is being spread in our country by vested interests. The National Investigation Agency is probing the Udaipur incident and would certainly come out with its findings shortly. Such cases should be speedily tried in fast track courts to give exemplary punishment to the perpetrators so that others get this strong message. The independence of the judiciary must be preserved at all cost and no attempt should ever be made to undermined the authority and wisdom of the Courts.
Modi at eight: The Varanasi model
The last few years have been momentous in the history of Varanasi. Not only has the city given India one of its most popular and powerful Prime Ministers ever, but it has also witnessed rapid development that only an MP of Narendra Modi’s stature can usher in.
Taking forward the progressive journey of “Vikaswaad” in Varanasi,Prime Minister Narendra Modi on July 15,2021,inaugurated and laid foundation stones of multiple development projects worth more than Rs 1500 crore at the IIT-BHU ground. He also inaugurated the International Cooperation and Convention Centre, ‘Rudrakash’, which was constructed with Japanese assistance later. Various public projects and works, including a 100-bed MCH wing in BHU, multi-level parking at Godauliya, Ro-Ro vessels for tourism development on river Ganga and a three-lane flyover bridge on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway, were the defining projects, flagged off by the PM. Central Institute of Petrochemical Engineering and Technology (CIPET), 143 rural projects under Jal Jeevan Mission and a mango and vegetable integrated packhouse in Karkhiyaon, are alone, worth around Rs 839 crore.
On a visit to Varanasi on the occasion of “Good Governance Day”, in 2014,Prime Minister Narendra Modi, without any hesitation, picked up a broom and participated in a cleanliness drive at Jagannath Gali near Assi Ghat.Further, speaking on the occasion, the PM described the land of Kashi, as one which gave us “Shiksha Ki Sanskriti” (a culture of education). And indeed, within barely eight years, Varanasi today, which has transformed into a thriving medical hub of Purvanchal region, is known as the unique seat of holistic learning, with a humanist vision.
Varanasi is on the bucket list of virtually every international tourist who comes to India. In 2014, when PM Modi was elected as the MP of Varanasi, he remarked, “There’s a lot of work that god has put me on this earth for. A lot of it is dirty work, but I’m up to the task.”
Since then, from world class infrastructure to express trains, from underground cabling to waste treatment plants, from a cultural convention center to modern traffic control, from a multimodal terminal to a container depot for perishables, Varanasi has witnessed a transformative revolution in the last eight years, with Kashi Vishwanath Dham, showcasing Kashi’s vibrancy.
PM Narendra Modi laid the foundation stone of the Ring Road and Phase-1 was completed in November 2018 in record time, making traffic movement across the city much easier and helping decongestion of roads. Varanasi has a very busy airport, naturally due to the movement of pilgrims and tourists in and out of the city. The over 17 kilometre long airport road developed under the aegis of PM Modi, is called the Gateway of Varanasi today. The development of the first multimodal terminal on an inland waterway in Varanasi was a matter of pride for the city, with the PM receiving the first container vessel on the river Ganga, in 2018.
PM Narendra Modi laid the foundation of two dedicated cancer hospitals in Varanasi,a few years back. Also, IMS BHU was accorded AIIMS like status, which will further improve health facilities in the hospital. Kashi is called the city of Mahadev, as in Lord Shiva and,the development of Kashi Vishwanath Corridor is a boon to lakhs of devotees of Shiva, who are making use of the direct link, developed between the temple and Ganga Ghat. Kashi, a thriving and busy city, generates a lot of waste and sewage. PM Narendra Modi inaugurated a large sewage infrastructure project, sometime back. A 140 million litre per day (MLD) sewage treatment plant (STP) at Dinapur, set up in 2018,has made the city get rid of the large waste generated and would further curb river pollution.
The last few years have been momentous in the history of Kashi. Not only has the city given India one of its most popular and powerful Prime Ministers ever, but it has also witnessed rapid development that only an MP of Narendra Modi’s stature can usher in. PM Modi laid the foundation stone of trade facilitation Centre and Crafts Museum in 2017, for the benefit of many weavers, craftsmen and artisans of Varanasi and nearby areas. He had once remarked that India cannot become a Vishwa Guru without the development of Kashi. Development of Kashi is in turn, incomplete without bettering the lives of weavers.
Handicrafts of Kashi are spread in the form of cottage industries, with Banarasi silk saree, textile industry, carpet industries being some of the prominent ones. More than lakhs of handloom weavers are directly or indirectly related with these industries. Measures taken for the betterment of weavers and artisans have gone a long way in enhancing their incomes. For the retention of next generation of weavers, a carpet engineering program is being run in IICT Bhadohi. 75% of the fees of the students belonging to poor families of weavers is being taken care of by the Modi government. There is a provision for margin money of Rs. 10,000 in MUDRA scheme for weavers. Mega carpet clusters in Mirzapur and Bhadohi are being given modern looms. Also, they are being imparted skills under skill development programs. To realize this goal, a B.Tech. program in the carpet technology area, is being run in IICT Bhadohi. India currently occupies 35% share of the world’s carpet market. PM Modi has set a target to own 50% of the world’s carpet market.
Across India, after PM Modi took up the cause of promoting Khadi,sales of Khadi have been on an upswing. In Varanasi too, Khadi institutions and workers are being encouraged, with credit linked capital subsidy (CLCS). Under Kasuhal Vikas Yojana, thousands of youth are being skilled and empowered. The Coir Board also organises regular international vyapar melas.The commencement of expansion of Diesel Locomotive Works, also started thanks to PM Modi.
Not only is Kashi witnessing development on an unprecedented scale but people of this sacred city are also experiencing first hand, what it is to have a karmayogi PM as their MP. A “cheque bounce” law was scrapped, on the request of small businessmen from Varanasi,benefitting scores of small traders and proprietors. The ‘Jan Sampark’ office of PM Modi in Kashi is dedicated for the service of common people in the city and had done exemplary work, when floods hit the city, in 2020.
After selecting Jayapur, a tiny village in Varanasi, 7km from the Rajatalab railway station, for the ‘Saansad Adarsh Gram Yojana’, PM Narendra Modi opined that it is not MPs who are taking guardianship of the village under this Yojana, but villagers who were taking MPs under their wing, through this scheme. “Can we decide that we will not allow Jayapur to become dirty; can we ensure children wash hands before eating”, the Prime Minister asked the large gathering at Jayapur, asserting that these things did not require government intervention. He said such positive social energy can help create a model village. Days after he met and addressed people of Jayapur, they reciprocated, by turning the birth of a girl child into a festive occasion and planting trees.
Varanasi is the only place from where the revered Ganga, is Uttar Vahini (flows towards North). It is here from where the powerful stream of the river Ganga turns directions. Thus, the start of the biggest sanitation drive also happened from Varanasi. Speaking of Covid, the moment it became clear that the second wave had hit India, PM sent his emissary, a long-time aide, AK Sharma to Varanasi with instructions to take proactive measures and make sure that damage was controlled. Sharma landed in Varanasi on April 13,2021 and immediately set in motion a 24/7 Command and Control room. With 20 dedicated phone lines and round-the-clock manpower, the “Kashi Covid Response Centre”, became the hub of coordination between various arms of administration, as also interface with the people, for a seamless management of the situation. Two Oxygen plants, hundreds of Oxygen cylinders and concentrators were ordered and a DRDO Covid hospital was also set up, to tide over the crisis. The positivity rate of the district came down from a high of over 30% to less than 13%,in a matter of days. The administration ramped up RT-PCR testing capacity of Kashi city from 5000 to 12000 per day, while making sure that the results were made available within 24 hours. Sharma arranged for two automatic RNA extractor machines from Assocham, that made the quicker testing possible. Of the four Oxygen plants in Varanasi supplying 12000 LPM Oxygen, one each was imported from the United States and Israel respectively, while two others were procured from Maharashtra and Gujarat each. Varanasi also had the highest supply of Remdesivir injections at about 700 vials a day. During the second wave in April and May 2021, over 9000 per day vaccination rate in Kashi, was also one of the highest for any city, in Uttar Pradesh.
Another far-sighted step taken on the instructions of PM Modi, was to make sure the rural areas were protected. The administration distributed 70,000 medical kits to contain the pandemic in rural hinterland of Varanasi and the healthcare staff at the primary and secondary dispensaries were trained on a war footing on use of Oxymeters and other testing paraphernalia. The result was heartening with distress calls from rural areas coming down from a peak of 800 per day, to about 100 at the Command and Control Centre, within days.
Amid worries of a possible third wave of Covid-19, which could have impacted children more, the inauguration of (MCH) unit at Banaras Hindu University (BHU) hospital, in Varanasi, by the PM, showcased how health has always been a top of the mind agenda for the Modi government. Considered to be the AIIMS of Purvanchal (East UP), adjoining Bihar and even Nepal, the Sir Sunderlal Hospital in BHU campus that got the MCH wing, has seen number of beds rise from 1500 to 2700,in just eight years, a rise of a solid 80%. “When the world is in crisis, we must pledge—a pledge which is bigger than the crisis itself. We must strive to make the 21st century, India’s century. And the path to do that is self-reliance”—this powerful quote by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, sums up the ethos of the “Varanasi Model” in more ways than one. Indeed, the Varanasi model, blends the puritan with the modern and spirituality, with fast paced progress, reflective of an aspirational India, in the true sense of the term.
Varanasi is holy. Varanasi is mystical. Varanasi is enigmatic. Varanasi represents the timeless values of Hindu dharma.
For the first time a Member of Parliament from the city is the Prime Minister of India. If we look at the political history in India, a PM’s constituency is in the spotlight only for a brief period of time. In some cases, like in the case of “compulsive liar”, Rahul Gandhi, desperate to be the PM, for instance, his so called high profile visits to Amethi, used to happen only on the eve of elections, once every five years. No wonder the electorate of Amethi sent him packing as an MP, in 2019.
But PM Modi’s constituency has been the centre of attention for all the right reasons, with the PM visiting Varanasi well over two dozen times, in the last few years alone, despite his jam-packed schedule. PM Modi’s affection for the mystical city of Kashi, is well known.In his own words to the people of Kashi, Modi said, “Kashi owns me, I am imprisoned in its love”. In his many visits, apart from his interactive sessions with the people of Varanasi, PM Modi is seen inaugurating a hospital, or flagging off an express train, laying the foundation stone for a ring road or making Kashi the first multi modal hub on an inland water way. Be it unveiling the plaque of the Inter-University Centre, launching the Campus Connect wi-fi of Banaras Hindu University (BHU),or launching the Madan Mohan Malviya National Mission for teachers and the National Livelihood Mission for women, Narendra Modi has done pathbreaking work, both as the PM and as the MP, from Kashi. Turning ‘Swachh Bharat Abhiyan’ into a ‘Jan Andolan’, by helping spread the message that ‘Cleanliness is next to Godliness’, has been a hugely rewarding journey for Modi and of course, for the nation. It would be apt to conclude with a powerful quote by none other than PM Modi, which captures the essence of his famous Varanasi model–”I make changes, not for people to notice; rather, because it is my mission”. And truly enough, the transformation of Varanasi, in the last eight years, has been nothing short of extraordinary.
Sanju Verma is an Economist, National Spokesperson of the BJP and the Bestselling Author of ‘The Modi Gambit’.
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