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Global conservative movement: Challenges and opportunities for India

From July 08-10, 2024, Washington DC hosted the fourth edition of National Conservatism conference. In close proximity with the center of power of the United States, the venue of the conference was abuzz with serious discussions about the challenges faced by Western civilization due to the rise of social issues such as wokeism, Islamic fundamentalism, […]

From July 08-10, 2024, Washington DC hosted the fourth edition of National Conservatism conference. In close proximity with the center of power of the United States, the venue of the conference was abuzz with serious discussions about the challenges faced by Western civilization due to the rise of social issues such as wokeism, Islamic fundamentalism, and the illegal immigration crisis. This edition of the conference was unique in terms of the participation of an Indian delegation for the first time. The delegation led by Dr. Ram Madhav and Swapan Dasgupta shared the Indian viewpoint on the possibility of a global conservative movement. I had the privilege to have an opportunity and be a part of the Indian delegation, and the proceedings at the conference were revealing both in terms of the magnitude of issues faced by Western conservatives and the innovative ways of handling them. A crucial point that resonated with the participants at the conference was a need for consensus, not just on an ideological plane but also at a practical level. At the conference, there was an acknowledgement about the significance of India on the world stage, and its centrality to carving a global conservative consensus.

Most Indians tend to be deeply religious, culturally rooted and practice everyday religiosity in their personal spaces. A large majority of them also adhere to conservative values, favor the preservation of their culture and tradition in the public sphere as well, and are votaries of a socio-political worldview shaped by the practice of these values. This article primarily focuses on the challenges such culturally rooted Indians face in actively contributing as a collective to any attempt towards shaping a global conservative movement, and tries to provide some starting points for a cross-cultural dialogue.

Shedding the baggage of colonialism

The conservative thinkers in the West need to understand that several nations of the Global South are former colonies and have been victims of Western imperialism. The sufferings that these societies have gone through are very much real, and they still carry with themselves the psychological brunt of colonialism, and resulting fractured identities. The citizenry in most of these nations is deeply rooted culturally, and these nations have glorious civilizational pasts. With a rich cultural heritage, they carry an immense potential to align with the conservative movement in the West in order to safeguard their own culture and traditions.

However, the defense or justification for imperialism doesn’t make them comfortable enough to proceed in alliance with the West. Rather, when they look out for intellectual support from Western scholarship (given that the social sciences framework in former colonies is heavily influenced by the Western social sciences), they inevitably turn towards thinkers of the Left, for intellectual frameworks and theories of the Left provide them access to understand the nature of colonialism and resist the changes being caused in their own societies due to the advent of globalization post colonialism. The Western conservatives can build strong alliances only when they remain neutral towards the historical baggage of colonialism, and instead develop scholarship which shifts the popular image of conservative theory away from any form of sympathy towards the spoils of colonialism, and challenges those who claim conservatives to be in cahoots with the idea of imperialism. When sections of conservative thinkers hang on to a discourse defending imperialism, and perceive it as their history worth being proud of, that doesn’t help the case for the formation of a global conservative order.

‘Civilization’, ‘religion’: Acknowledging cultural differences

The conservatives may also bode it well to consider toning down any narcissistic ideas about civilizational superiority as it creates hinderances for the Global South to resonate with them. They should adhere to a doctrine of respect, by preferring to engage with other non-Western cultures on an equal footing, as equally rich civilizations to learn from, and should sincerely attempt to understand their cultural framework rather than permanently having a critical outlook towards other cultures. A preaching attitude with a sense of moral, intellectual and cultural superiority can’t facilitate a meaningful initiation of dialogue. The West should also acknowledge that with the rise of powerhouses such as India and China, the power differential has also diluted, which necessitates the formulation of fresh terms of engagement.

A major point of deflection between the Christian West and former colonies is religion. The basis of conservatism lies in culture, and religion plays a very crucial role in shaping the culture. The presence of ethical values advocated by either of the cultures, which are diametrically opposite to the other culture, create confrontational situations. For instance, proselytization is a core Christian value, but is radically opposed in the non-Western world.

The conservatives need to rethink the advocacy of such values and dispositions. One may also point out here that particular conceptions of nationalism amongst heterogenous communities can be a point of conflict at times when building a global conservative order. The Global Left has given up on religion, and believes in a world without borders, hence it is easy for its ideologues, proponents and believers to blend together. On the other hand, nationalisms are presented as imagined communities, and are theorized in ways which stand in contrast to each other. We should work towards identifying our common threats and build our alliances on specific issues accordingly.

Reinforcing social responsibility

As those having overlapping concerns and interests with the conservative worldview, societal defense, and not the capture of state power, should be our first order of business. We need to begin building resilient social institutions anchored in our traditional philosophies, and ready for contemporary times, without placing sole reliance on the state. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is a perfect example of this social renaissance. The RSS, through a vast network of inter-connected organizations, affiliates, and associated institutions, has ushered in lasting transformations impacting almost every sphere of public life. Envisioned as a social institution to organize the entire Indian society without state support, it has metamorphosed into an ongoing socio-cultural movement. Once we have built such multiple societal defenses, we’ll be in a position to shape political narratives and shift the Overton window decisively, capturing spaces beyond the domination of the Left.

A Global Conservative Commons?

How do we think like global conservatives? Is it possible to stop the wholesale export of Leftist ideologies, which are evangelical in nature and try to form global communities? Why don’t we have a Global Conservative Commons just like the Global Left? These are some of the central questions which culturally moored, thinking Indians, as well as Western conservatives should ponder over. Whether the non-Western world will go ahead with the ‘conservative’ label could be a moot point, but it surely has overwhelming majorities of populace in love with their civilizational heritage, wearing their cultural identities on their sleeves, and donning what we call a ‘conservative disposition’ towards social life. Perhaps, a humble attitude to learn across cultures, rather than a see-down, critical approach towards the former colonies could be a good point to start with.

Yashowardhan Tiwari, Research Fellow, India Foundation.

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