In spite of attempts by the Western media to position India and Pakistan equally militarily, the happenings on May 10 revealed a quite different picture. Following India’s missile attack on the Nur Khan Air Base, deep in Pakistani territory, and readied for a naval assault on Karachi port, Islamabad rushed to ask for the intervention of the U.S.
Sources point out that the Indian strike had targeted Nur Khan base early in the morning, and it was a devastating blow. Pakistan’s DGMO, Kashif Abdullah, at 10:38 a.m., called his Indian counterpart, cautioning him of an impending BrahMos missile attack on the Karachi naval base. His words, though threatening retaliatory action, failed to unnerve India’s defense leadership, who were fully ready.
As tensions mounted, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stepped in to urgently contact External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, highlighting Pakistan’s desparate move to de-escalate. “When Secretary Rubio informed Pakistan that they were willing to accept a ceasefire,” a source told us, “S. Jaishankar declined firmly but politely to the effect that such a move would have to be done through DGMO channels.”
Pakistan’s Foreign Minister and its traditional allies were ignored by New Delhi as Indian leadership made the stand that military actions were in progress and being commanded by defense officials.
India’s refusal to strike further after the Rawalpindi raid was intentional. Pakistan, in terms of military estimates, had already taken extensive damage. Eleven of its air bases were neutralized, and its Chinese-bought air defense systems were either jammed or destroyed. Without any sensible military targets remaining east of the Indus, India did not see any strategic advantage to continuing strikes.
The Modi government had achieved its first major target, demolishing terror infrastructure in Pakistan within a mere 25 minutes of May 7, marking the operation’s success. The Indian armed forces with loitering munitions, drones, and missiles still had the capability to attack targets all over Pakistan with utmost precision.
In a surprising turn of events, while French state media attempted to discredit India’s use of Rafale jets, indigenous reports validated that Indian air platforms had overwhelmingly dominated the Pakistani defenses. Notwithstanding Chinese and Turkish advisers consulting Pakistan’s aerial operations, their advice could not stop the crippling effects of Indian bombing.
India’s restraint was not out of external pressure but a deliberate policy. Going on further, officials estimated, would only enable Pakistan to play games with world opinion and solicit sympathy from China and the West. “India and Pakistan are not equals,” one Indian official said, affirming that New Delhi did not need to continue conflict after dismantling Pakistan’s military infrastructure.
Looking to the future, India is in preparation to respond to those who assisted Pakistan after Pahalgam massacre. This involves preparation to counter Chinese and Turkish help to Pakistan’s army. The Modi administration is diverting attention to long-range stand-off weapons and next-generation unmanned platforms. With 31 Predator drones set to be inducted by 2028, and indigenous swarm and high-altitude drone development, India is refining its warfare strategy beyond conventional land war.
As India prepares to suspend the Indus Waters Treaty next month, the message of Operation Sindoor is unanimous: India will go solo if need be and keep developing independent and powerful military capabilities to counter both regional and international rivals.
